Antonio Gramsci — Selections from the Prison Notebooks

1990 published claims from this book.

• A 1923 reform of Italian education was named for Gentile but drafted by Croce
• A backward nation can pass directly from bourgeois to socialist revolution.
• A class becomes hegemonic when its elite transcends narrow corporate interests
• A class born fully equipped with organic intellectuals can subordinate old classes without compromise
• A class can be practically advanced while its strata remain ideologically backward.
• A class lacking moral prestige can borrow the State’s reflected authority to found itself
• A clerical promotion makes manual labour shameful for a whole kinship clan
• A cohesive worldview fused with matching conduct functions as secular religion or ideology
• A common humanistic education can unify manual and intellectual capacities
• A conformism created from below enables, rather than destroys, individual freedom.
• A conquering official language never fully displaces vernacular mother-tongues.
• A consistent sceptic could not participate in debate at all
• A constructed ideal intellectual combines Third World origin with metropolitan location
• A critical warning can be inverted into a conservative political program
• A critical warning concept can be inverted into a ruling-class political program.
• A defeated coercive labour policy can reappear later under a new economic program.
• A democrat can still betray full comprehension of mass politics through strategic blindness
• A deterministic worldview can generate great practical initiative, as Calvinism did
• A disciplined centralized party is the prerequisite for Soviet experiments
• A dispersed rural class gains power by aligning its will with the ruling class
• A doctrine popularized for the masses becomes inadequate against elite ideologies
• A dominant group sustains rule by presenting its own interests as universal national ones
• A failed bourgeois revolution stems from economic weakness and historical timing
• A feudal insult against the bourgeoisie was reused by bourgeois culture against workers
• A finished work differs essentially from its raw preparatory material
• A finished work is constituted by editorial choice, not by its raw material
• A former left revolutionary turned monarchist pioneered colonial expansion and brutal suppression
• A full party develops into an integral state and world-conception
• A historical epoch’s philosophy is the ensemble of all its tendencies, not one system
• A landed stratum’s survival depends on keeping peasants impoverished
• A leading class must represent future needs beyond its present members
• A leading party can force a class beyond its own preferred position
• A leading party can force the situation forward by creating irreversible faits accomplis
• A living worldview must consciously respond to the present rather than past problems
• A long-lasting crisis signals incurable contradictions within a social structure.
• A mass base is necessary but insufficient for a party to exist
• A Mazzinian corporal attacked an Italian army barracks in 1870 shouting republican slogans
• A military class can permeate and partly occupy the state apparatus
• A movement gains autonomy only by learning that existing conditions are contingent, not natural.
• A movement’s social base determines the composition and slogans of its leadership.
• A nation’s religion, art, and philosophy are inseparable from its state form.
• A national-popular bloc requires religious and intellectual cohesion between elite and masses
• A national-popular elite can catalyze historical change by skipping developmental stages
• A new conformism built from below on production enables genuine freedom
• A new culture develops only with changing social relations and state formation.
• A new feminine self-conception is prerequisite to any healthy sexual regulation
• A new philosophy is defined by transforming how philosophy itself is conceived
• A new philosophy must root itself in popular consciousness like traditional beliefs.
• A new political faction crystallized only when an individual took deliberate initiative.
• A new science earns credibility by resolving or disproving its rivals’ core questions.
• A newly hegemonic subaltern group must build a new intellectual and moral order
• A paradigm theory prevents false comparisons across cultures and eras
• A party becomes historically necessary when conditions for its State power are already forming
• A party becomes indestructible when its mass base and leadership perpetuate themselves
• A party becomes undestroyable once its mass element necessarily generates leadership
• A party can function as a general ideology superintending scattered rival groups
• A party can function as ideological glue binding rival factions into one bloc
• A party can prefigure a state by meeting intellectuals’ needs through its services
• A party can wield hegemony by satisfying intellectuals’ needs like a state.
• A party is an embryonic state and can permit no division of power
• A party is complete only when it becomes historically redundant
• A party secures allied-group consent by arbitrating between its own and others’ interests
• A party severed from class roots becomes a rootless volunteer sect.
• A party structured as embryonic state cannot tolerate internal factions claiming equal rights
• A party without a governing program functions as the servant of its opponent
• A party’s history is inseparable from the whole society and state around it
• A party’s history is the general history of a country from one viewpoint.
• A party’s policing function is progressive or regressive depending on whose development it serves
• A passive revolution is elite-led change without mass participation
• A peasant class that self-produces its consumption cannot form collective political action
• A person’s real philosophy is expressed in action, not declared belief
• A person’s real worldview shows in action rather than declared belief
• A philosophy becomes historical and living only through contact with the simple
• A philosophy can exist implicitly inside practical aphorisms
• A philosophy is genuinely historical only by staying in contact with the simple masses
• A philosophy of praxis begins by criticizing common sense while building on it
• A philosophy of praxis methodology must be a systematic philology of history and politics
• A philosophy of praxis must critically supersede common sense while starting from it
• A philosophy’s historical worth is its practical effect on society
• A philosophy’s intellectual sources do not constitute its essential content
• A philosophy’s self-knowledge requires codifying its practical rules of research
• A policy of quality produces its opposite, disqualified quantity.
• A political element must prepare its own successors against its destruction
• A political leader can be a collective body with shifting individual spokesmen
• A political party can absorb intellectuals by replicating the state’s services
• A political party’s history is inseparable from its broader social group and national context.
• A political vanguard can begin on vague enthusiasm before finding a slogan
• A politics can be superficially Western yet not genuinely national.
• A progressive bourgeois law was repurposed to suppress workers’ associations
• A progressive national bloc requires allying with the peasant masses and lower intellectuals
• A prolonged crisis signals irremediable structural contradictions being patched over
• A purely theological movement had reactionary social effects in practice.
• A radical party must counterpose an organic program to dominant classes’ spontaneous attraction
• A rational, historicist will grounded in objective necessity grounds philosophy
• A receptive passive people can absorb and Russify foreign elites
• A regulated society cannot exist while any class-State remains
• A rentier class’s disappearance must precede industrial revolution
• A returning national elite can compel an enforced awakening in its people
• A revolutionary class needs a peasant base and agrarian program to win
• A revolutionary crisis needs a vanguard party already formed to exploit it
• A revolutionary government endures only if it unites a majority coalition.
• A revolutionary theory is defined by conscious separation into two camps
• A rigid material-instrument theory spawns absurd boundary questions
• A rising class can dominate economically while old elites retain politico-intellectual supremacy.
• A ruler’s broken amnesty destroyed the last consensual basis for Bourbon legitimacy
• A ruling class lacking organic intellectuals cannot sustain hegemony
• A ruling class needs its own intellectuals to exercise hegemony alongside coercion
• A sabotaged general strike demoralized the proletariat and opened the way for fascism
• A saturated bourgeois class reverts to the State as pure force
• A school of Italian criminology argued the biological inferiority of Southern Italians.
• A school’s social character comes from perpetuating a group’s class function
• A school’s social character comes from which class it serves, not its teaching method
• A self-described liberal could celebrate the Russian Revolution as liberation while rejecting its socialism
• A self-made national elite can awaken a passive people by skipping historical stages
• A shared enemy alone cannot constitute national unity
• A single regional autonomy movement split along the fascism divide in interwar Italy
• A single subaltern group can exercise hegemony over others via a party
• A single youthful political error can haunt a career for decades
• A sixteenth-century monk authored a utopia mixing theocracy and communism
• A small Italian ruling group absorbed all political personnel from subversive mass movements
• A small-circulation journal organized factory councils across Turin’s major factories.
• A social order persists until new productive relations mature within it
• A southern newspaper shaped regional ideology toward expansionist settler colonialism.
• A southern reaction quantified the wealth extracted from Sardinia by the unitary state.
• A state can defuse revolt by denying radicals the repression that mobilizes masses.
• A state can defuse revolution by restraining provocation and waiting out empty rhetoric.
• A state can politically rest on plutocracy and ordinary savers at once.
• A state can substitute for a leading class in a passive revolution
• A state’s consent is organised and educated through associations, not merely election moments
• A structural phase can only be analyzed after it has fully developed
• A sub-proletariat can become the conservative bastion of a monarch against bourgeois revolution
• A subaltern group’s disorganic growth blocks its access to state power and hegemony
• A subordinate class cannot win by imitating ruling-class force tactics
• A teenager’s alleged assassination attempt became the pretext for abolishing Italian democracy.
• A tenth of Italy’s population lived off the state budget
• A theory is revolutionary by being openly antagonistic to all old thought
• A theory’s influence penetrates rivals diffusely through implicit absorption, not direct adoption.
• A theory’s universality is proven by its incorporation into new concrete realities.
• A theory’s universality is shown by its capacity to illuminate new concrete situations.
• A thinker must be studied in works published under their own responsibility
• A thinker’s authentic works supersede co-authored attributions
• A thinker’s most fecund ideas often appear outside their expected domain
• A thinker’s own thought must be separated from earlier material that only stimulated it
• A thinker’s provisional borrowings are discards, not part of their true worldview
• A traditional civilization subordinates all spheres to intellectual principles
• A victor state’s war exhaustion can cost it hegemony at peace
• A weak bourgeoisie explains why no revolutionary vanguard party formed in Italy
• A weak bourgeoisie’s failure to ally with peasants prevents hegemonic revolution
• A weakly-developed bourgeoisie shapes a country’s political-military structure.
• A worldview’s hold on the masses requires continuous organized repetition and intellectual leadership
• A worldview’s independence or integration is a decisive analytic criterion.
• Abolishing a political form requires abolishing its economic content
• Abolishing parliamentary forms requires abolishing their individualist economic content
• Absence of feudal legacy sedimentations drove American capital accumulation more than natural wealth
• Absence of historical sedimentations, not natural wealth, drove American capital accumulation.
• Absolute rules guarantee collective trust where case-by-case judgment cannot
• Absolute rules of duty justify trust in those holding power over others
• Absorbing enemy elites decapitates opposition; hegemony precedes state power
• Abstraction, modern thought’s key power, operates by effacing the human face
• Abstractions are required to produce real social objects
• Accepting a comintern-imposed leadership requires an internal polemicist fraction
• Accurate social analysis benefits even those who publicly oppose its author.
• Accusations of foreign rationalism may mask genuine national adherence
• Administrative standing substitutes for political legitimacy
• Adolescent daydreaming is a narcissistic compensation for felt inadequacy
• Advanced capitalism’s superstructures slow revolutionary action and demand long-term strategy
• Adversaries can understand subaltern political technique better than subalterns
• Agitational parties without government programmes serve their rivals.
• Agrarian interests outweighed regional autonomy in consolidating national unity.
• All essential questions of sociology collapse into questions of political science
• All humans are philosophers; experts differ only in quantitative rigor.
• All humans exercise intellectual activity, but only some become intellectuals.
• All party members are intellectuals by their directive-organisational function.
• All people are legislators in a broad political sense
• All people are philosophers, differing from professionals only in degree
• All property relations involve state intervention continuously
• All state powers are organs of hegemony in varying degrees
• Alliance-building is easier where no single majority presides.
• America skipped feudalism, making its productive methods of global theoretical interest
• America’s absence of feudal tradition produced a universal work ethic across classes
• American hegemony arises in the factory, fusing force and persuasion without state intermediaries
• American influence on Europe works through economic production, not culture
• American ruling classes are now generating the same social passivity Europe had
• Americanism is a panic reaction of doomed old strata, not a real culture
• Americanism is an intensification of European civilisation, not a new type
• Americanism is not a new civilisation but an intensified extension of European capitalism
• An absolute duty rule is the only guarantee of responsible collective leadership.
• An anti-establishment artistic movement can be absorbed into authoritarian nationalism
• An author’s absorbed influences differ from their own original philosophy
• An editor’s footnote reveals Gramsci cited a tale from memory rather than text
• An educated class that cannot lead the masses fails its historical function
• An effective revolutionary strategy required a worker-peasant alliance spanning North and South Italy.
• An epoch’s philosophy is a combination, not any single thinker’s system
• An era’s philosophy is a synthesis of popular and elite worldviews
• An explicitly non-socialist liberal could nonetheless celebrate Lenin and Trotsky as liberators
• An ideology in its highest sense is a world-conception permeating all social life
• An international class must nationalise itself to lead nationally-rooted social strata
• An intransigent faction functions as party conscience rather than genuine alternative leadership.
• An obscure thinker could wield outsized intellectual influence despite publishing almost nothing
• An occupying power can provoke premature revolt to identify and decapitate resistance
• An organization’s value includes preparing successors for its own defeat
• An unresolved party-versus-union divide left the Italian radical movement internally dual
• An urban republic fell because it neglected the countryside and threatened its income sources
• Analysis of force relations only matters as justification for practical will
• Analyzing mass movements properly begins with followers, function and demands, not suspicion of manipulation
• Analyzing mass movements requires examining social content before judging motives
• Anarchist claims to be educators are inverted by ironical false etymology.
• Anti-colonial struggle blends three distinct forms of political warfare
• Anti-colonial struggle deploys war of position, movement, and underground forms
• Anti-democratic legislators were within one shift of becoming a majority
• Antivar slogans differ in whether they presuppose a mythical national ‘we’
• Any epoch’s philosophy is an ensemble including common sense, not a single system
• Any proposed social solution operates inside modernity’s inherent contradictions
• Any single religion contains multiple contradictory class-specific versions
• Apparent cruelty can restore political order and loyalty
• Apparent spontaneity is merely un-documented conscious leadership in subaltern movements
• Appealing to commonsense realism to refute philosophy implicitly restores religious belief.
• Appeals to product quality conceal class-based market strategies
• Appeals to quality over quantity mask class privilege
• Appearances are historically necessary, not merely illusory
• Applying advanced foreign schemas to a less developed society yields confusion, not progress
• Arising Black American intellectuals could channel expansionist influence into Africa.
• Ascendant groups develop from subaltern to hegemonic status through acquiring autonomy and allies
• Associational life differs structurally between America and Europe
• Assumed collective wills require reconcentration rather than creation from scratch.
• Attacks on vulgar economism are often mistaken for critiques of Marxism itself
• Attempts to purify language of metaphor are doomed and futile
• Austro-Marxists read Marx as objective science and sought values in Kantian ethics
• Authoritarian leadership fails to win the consent of those it commands
• Authoritarian rule that rejects winning consent fails militarily and politically
• Autonomous factory committees threatened established trade-union structures from inception.
• Behaviorist accounts of persons fail by omitting their transcendence-transcended principle
• Being an intellectual is defined by directive and educative function, not education level.
• Being present at a creative political moment sharpens one’s grasp of political will.
• Belief that existing arrangements are natural blocks real social change.
• Bergson’s elan vital defines life as a creative, non-predetermined action on matter
• Bergson’s vitalism rejects both mechanistic and finalist accounts of evolution
• Betrayals by reformist union leaders did not deliver communists a union majority
• Biological race and craniology do not constitute historical unity among humans.
• Biology and abstract reason never united humans; concrete thought did
• Bismarck and Disraeli launched social welfare legislation to counter socialist pressures
• Black parliamentarism operates like informal markets, explained through hegemony
• Bodin theorized consent and class balance, not state founding like Machiavelli
• Bodin’s politics concerned consent and class balance, not founding a national state
• Bolshevisation was contested inside the PCI along left-centre factional lines
• Bordiga and Gramsci split over international versus national frames for revolutionary action.
• Bordiga asserted national sections could question Russian Communist Party policy
• Bordiga attacked Ordine Nuovo as syndicalist gradualism neglecting state power
• Bordiga rejected winning working-class majorities for a pure vanguard party
• Bordiga saw Comintern strategy as favoring the party’s Right.
• Bordiga’s followers treated party discipline as inapplicable to predestined leaders
• Bored isolated labor can breed nonconformist thought in workers
• Both PSI and PCI condemned anti-fascist Arditi for differing reasons.
• Both the PCI and Aventine opposition misjudged fascism’s imminent crackdown
• Boulanger’s near-successful coup attempt failed through hesitation, not weakness
• Bourgeois ideology claims society can be wholly assimilated
• Bourgeois Italian intellectuals fail to apply their talent due to national conditions
• Bourgeois law and state aim to absorb the whole of society into itself
• Bourgeois libertinism spread downward undermines working-class moral discipline
• Bourgeois parliamentary expansion co-existed with periodic repression and suffrage curbs
• Bourgeois rule absorbs and assimilates society, unlike closed-caste prior ruling classes
• Bourgeois rule transforms the State into an educator assimilating all classes
• Bourgeoisie could grow within feudal states, but socialism cannot grow within capitalism
• Bourgeoisie rule can hide behind the facade of old aristocratic classes
• Breaking the unity of traditional ideology precedes new forces acquiring independent self-consciousness.
• Broad popular penetration made Protestant nations militarily and culturally resilient
• Brutal state repression of a peasant revolt fueled regional nationalism
• Bukharin’s 1921 manual was the canonical text of vulgar-materialist Marxist orthodoxy.
• Bukharin’s philosophical defeat coincided with his political destruction
• Bureaucratic centralism arises from political passivity at the periphery, not just top-down control.
• Bureaucratic centralism signals a ruling group becoming a self-perpetuating clique.
• Bureaucratic centralism signals a ruling group hardening into a narrow clique
• Bureaucratic expansion creates masses of intellectuals justified by politics rather than production
• Bureaucratic independence from democratic control is a universal problem requiring varied solutions
• Bureaucratic party rule can develop into a dictatorship masking capitalist development
• Byzantinism treats theoretical questions as self-valuable apart from practice.
• Caesar’s and Napoleon I’s Caesarism was transformative; Napoleon III’s was merely quantitative
• Caesar’s citizenship grants created Rome’s permanent imperial intellectual class.
• Caesarism arises when conflicting forces reach catastrophic equilibrium, letting a third force intervene
• Caesarism can serve either progressive or reactionary forces depending on concrete history
• Caesarism cannot be explained by fundamental-class equilibrium alone
• Caesarism describes compromise regimes without equating fascism with capitalism
• Caesarism emerges when balanced hostile forces risk mutual destruction
• Caesarism emerges when two forces reach an organic equilibrium neither can win
• Caesarism is a compromise between fundamental forces, not pure Bonapartism
• Caesarism is a polemical formula that can operate through parliaments without any heroic person
• Caesarism is neither inherently progressive nor reactionary; only concrete history decides
• Caesarism names rule arising when conflicting forces mutually exhaust each other
• Caesarist military regimes differ by whether the countryside is passive or uncoordinated
• Caesarist power can mark either a genuine state-type revolution or mere evolution
• Caesarist solutions can operate through parliament without any heroic personality
• Calling the whole past monstrous cannot inspire present action
• Calvinism’s doctrine of vocation energetically promoted economic life and wealth
• Calvinist determinism paradoxically generated extreme practical initiative and collective will.
• Campanella’s Utopia fused theocratic rule with communist social organization
• Capitalist modernization proceeds by passive revolution when revolutionary forces are defeated
• Capitalist rationalization attempts to co-opt worker militancy through co-operative management schemes
• Capitalist reform gestures aim to absorb workers’ self-organization into management goals
• Cataloguing behaviors is insufficient; deciphering them requires a proper method
• Catastrophic stalemate can result from momentary dominance failure rather than organic crisis
• Catholic ecclesiastical organisation absorbed and monopolised cultural direction for centuries
• Catholic lay movements were suppressed and later reborn as mass political parties.
• Catholic Modernism reconciled Church doctrine with modern science.
• Catholic Modernism, condemned in 1907, seeded later Christian Democracy
• Catholic Popular Party outcompeted socialist unions among Italian peasants.
• Censorship forced Gramsci’s political commentary into opaque, allusive form in prison
• Central parties suppress intra-party disputes from reaching international sections
• Centralizing budget authority neutralized regional rivals by making them compete for funds
• Challenging a monopoly on pedagogy is a route to building hegemony.
• Charisma stems from Weberian authority lacking legitimate institutional basis
• Children’s consciousness reflects their social milieu, always at odds with school curricula
• Civil society exerts coercive educative pressure without formal legal sanctions
• Civil society in advanced states resists direct economic shocks.
• Civil society itself exercises hegemony and thus is the State proper
• Civil society stands between economic structure and the coercive State.
• Civil society’s claimed independence from the state renders its critique dismissable
• Claims to supersede Marxism often regress to pre-Marxian humanism dressed in new vocabulary.
• Class ascendancy cannot quietly mature within the regime it aims to replace
• Class consciousness requires maintained antagonistic cleavage, not reconciliation with rulers.
• Class consciousness shapes the gestalt of thought, not its details
• Class differentiation into castes dissolves the moral authority needed for coercion
• Class struggle can continue invisibly beneath a regime’s surface stability.
• Classical education forged modern European selfhood by assimilating Greco-Roman civilisation.
• Classical education formed character by assimilating the European cultural past.
• Co-opting local elites into state offices neutralizes potential regional opposition leadership.
• Coalition governments are potential first stages of Caesarism, not bulwarks against it
• Coercive State power can progressively wither into regulated civil society
• Collaborators’ joint authorship does not guarantee doctrinal identity
• Collective association multiplies individual power to achieve radical change
• Collective critique and division of labor raise a group’s average to its best members.
• Collective disasters stem from leaders neglecting others’ sacrifices, not from followers’ disobedience
• Collective historical action requires a shared cultural conception welding dispersed wills into one aim
• Collective movements are best studied through their minute molecular phases
• Collective wills are born from countless molecular discursive exchanges
• Collective wills crystallize from countless micro-discursive acts
• Collective worker consciousness extends from the factory to national and international division of labour
• Colonial mythmaking survived opposition from its own financiers
• Combating economism requires developing the concept of hegemony
• Comintern factional balance gave national parties policy autonomy before 1926
• Comintern factions defined fascism as armed dictatorship of capitalist fractions
• Comintern interventions could trigger right-wing internal opposition in national parties.
• Comintern left factions resisted united-front strategies toward socialists.
• Comintern policy after 1924 was determined by Russian party struggles
• Comintern practice collapsed left and right opposition into one category
• Comintern structure inverted authority by balancing on the Russian summit
• Common people hold beliefs by faith in their group, not by reasoned argument
• Common schooling aims to produce autonomous, creatively capable citizens.
• Common schooling requires converting education from private to public cost.
• Common schooling would unify intellectual and industrial work across social life
• Common sense died once science explained how it worked
• Common sense earned praise historically as anti-authoritarian empiricism but now has less intrinsic merit
• Common sense is a chaotic aggregate allowing any claim to be confirmed
• Common sense is an incoherent aggregate containing any and all conceptions
• Common sense is an uncritically absorbed, fragmentary folklore of philosophy, not a coherent system.
• Common sense is class-bound folklore that sedimented philosophies leave behind
• Common sense is conservative so new truths entering it prove exceptional force
• Common sense is contradictory and only validates truths by their historical spread
• Common sense is fluid, replenished by specialist ideas that sink into popular knowledge.
• Common sense is historical and plural, with religion as only one fragment of it
• Common sense is society’s incoherent assumptions while good sense is practical empirical judgment
• Common sense is the fragmentary, incoherent philosophy of non-philosophers tied to their social class
• Common sense is the uncritical, unconscious worldview common to an epoch
• Common sense layers sedimented historical beliefs with crude realistic elements, remaining acritical
• Common sense merits only a limited empirical trust, not philosophical authority.
• Common sense once carried real experimental merit but now has far less.
• Common sense preserves layered residues of past religions and cults
• Common sense varies across time, place, and even within one person
• Commonsense objections hinder the popular spread of idealist philosophy
• Communist parties after October 1917 organized strategy around revolution’s actuality
• Communist revolution was understood to require winning a majority of workers first.
• Communists feared accepting reformist leadership would liquidate revolutionary perspective.
• Communists in the early twenties still saw revolution as imminent
• Complete political equality requires prior economic equality
• Compromise is the only concrete method for unifying allied forces
• Concepts only carry meaning within the theory that frames them
• Condemned social groups cannot rebuild; those bearing the new order’s burden must.
• Confalonieri conspired against Austria and had his death sentence commuted to exile
• Confident assertions in letters are less reliable than considered book claims
• Conflicts are first consciously grasped only at the level of ideology.
• Conjuncture is ephemeral circumstances while situation is structural
• Conjuncture means immediate ephemeral conditions while situation means longer strategic structure.
• Conquest of power and new productive arrangements are inseparable
• Conservative elites may champion reforms deliberately to forestall revolution.
• Conservative statesmen granted welfare concessions to defuse working-class unrest
• Conservative wills aimed at preserving equilibria are equally acts of political will
• Constitutional fictions of the crown protect State unity and consent.
• Continental European states formed from reaction-national transcendence of the French Revolution.
• Coopting a rival faction leader into leadership prevented a cross-faction alliance
• Corporate-statist ideology lets the State claim popular backing while remaining plutocratic.
• Corporatism conceived as an autonomous industrial bloc excludes parasitic savers from accumulation.
• Corporatism predates Fascism and was co-opted by Mussolini
• Corporatist ideology preceded fascism and drew supporters across the political spectrum.
• Corporatist state structures preserve rather than transform existing class order
• Corporatist States present a popular base while remaining structurally plutocratic
• Corruption substitutes for hegemony when force and consent both fail
• Counter-hegemonic elites require an internal hierarchy to develop
• Countryside regions with strongest patriarchalism show 30 percent family incest rates
• Creating new intellectual strata from unprepared groups faces unprecedented difficulty
• Creative school means autonomous rediscovery, not originality at all costs
• Creative schooling means mastering a method, not producing novelties
• Creative thought is thought that modifies popular feeling and thereby reality.
• Crises must be analyzed through the organic-conjunctural distinction rather than either economism or ideologism.
• Crises of ruling legitimacy produce misread progress claims and mass empowerment
• Crispi’s career anticipated twentieth-century Italian nationalism and fascism
• Critical thinking means incorporating rather than defeating adversary positions
• Critique must target foundational syntheses, not mass ideology
• Critique reweights old ideology’s elements, promoting the subordinate to nucleus
• Croce denied politics philosophical value while Gramsci made it central
• Croce’s enthusiasm for De Man rested on shared anti-Marxism, not theoretical affinity.
• Croce’s philosophy tried to reabsorb Marxism as a subordinate of traditional culture.
• Croce’s post-Marxist secularism influenced Italian left intellectuals
• Cross-national organizations function as international intellectuals mediating between extremes
• Crude economism explains every political movement by a guaranteed ruling-class profit
• Cultural and economistic deviations are twin symptoms of the same immaturity
• Cultural brilliance can coincide with and mask political and military decadence
• Cultural formations are momentary equilibria of old and new social relations
• Cultural labels like ‘Americanism’ are reaction from socially displaced strata, not new order.
• Cultural leadership requires self-limited freedom of intellectual inquiry, not police coercion
• Cultural outcomes stem from whole tradition, not the specific subject taught
• Cultural tradition outside school, not the subject itself, does the educating
• Cultural unity among an elite cannot substitute for political unity of the masses.
• Daily material practices express the totality of a group’s social relations.
• Daydreaming inverts the present into fantasy rather than transforming it.
• Daydreaming substitutes fantasy for the disciplined transformation of present reality
• Deep intellectual study initially captivates the whole personality before critical equilibrium forms
• Defeated revolutionary movements often self-destruct rather than self-correct
• Defensive efforts to resolve crisis constitute the conjunctural terrain where opposition organizes.
• Defining fascism posed contested questions of national specificity versus general capitalist tendency.
• Defining man as an ensemble of social relations blocks comparison across eras
• Degrading the people into an object is the deepest demagogy.
• Democracy exists where led groups can pass into the leading group
• Democracy requires that every citizen can govern, not merely reach a better job
• Democratic centralism has nothing to do with abstract democracy.
• Democratic centralism is not abstract democracy but a distinct historical form.
• Democratic centralism means adapting constantly to movement rather than hardening into bureaucracy
• Democratic centralism requires inductive adaptation rather than abstract rule-following.
• Democratic centralism seeks unity inductively through practice, not by abstract deduction
• Democratic policy was understood as necessary for conscript national armies
• Denigrating past doctrines creates a verbal illusion of superiority
• Denying the predictability of social facts logically yields pure opportunism
• Despite mass membership, Italy’s socialist party failed to organize revolution
• Devolution of state functions to local bodies presupposes a rentier class of civic prestige.
• Dialectical thinking contradicts vulgar common sense’s demand for certainties.
• Didactic abstractions are necessary and do not mislead learners
• Diet, clothing, housing and family express social relations as a whole.
• Different local conditions produced rival revolutionary strategies in early Italian communism
• Differentiated schooling reproduces rather than abolishes class divisions
• Diplomacy’s conserving habits stem from a single state’s limited weight
• Disinterested formative schooling is being eliminated in favor of early vocational specialization
• Dismissing past thought as irrational reduces to smug presentism
• Displaced rural petit-bourgeois intellectuals become ready volunteers for subversive movements.
• Diverting popular anger onto secondary targets protects ruling-class power
• Divided labor’s objective subordination becomes historically dissolvable once the subaltern class grasps it
• Doctrinal movements can serve as vehicles for social and political reaction.
• Doctrinal orthodoxy is judged by a theory’s self-sufficiency, not by any single adherent’s reading.
• Dogmatic cataloguing of sources replaced real historical interpretation
• Domestic and foreign policy are organically linked, not separable
• Dominant classes survive crises by out-maneuvering subordinate groups
• Dominant groups conquer traditional intellectuals by developing organic ones.
• Dominating differs from leading in whether rulers concord interests with others.
• Domination without leadership constitutes dictatorship without hegemony
• Dual power in the factories ended through isolation, not armed force
• Each field of research must develop its own method rather than borrow natural-science method
• Each firm’s unique productive process breeds a privileged skilled workforce.
• Each rising class generates its own organic intellectuals from its practical activity
• Each science constructs its own method; there is no universal method
• Each social group’s optimal internal structure varies with its members’ culture and discipline.
• Each social system has its own demographic equilibrium whose breakdown can be catastrophic.
• Early American union struggles defended craft rights against industrial liberty.
• Early communist analysts divided on whether fascism was novel or a bourgeois unity
• Early fascism grew into a mass phenomenon through massive state connivance
• Early Italian nationalists failed because aristocrats withheld support
• Early Italian socialism fragmented between reformism and revolutionary left currents.
• Early Italian sociology grounded Southern inferiority claims in biology and race
• Early nineteenth-century carbonarist revolutions failed across Europe except in Greece
• Early schooling should replace folkloristic worldviews with concepts of the State.
• Early vocational specialization can re-crystallize class divisions rather than dissolve them.
• Economic abstractions are historically determined, not universal or extra-historical
• Economic and political problems are never only about economics or politics
• Economic base determines superstructure and historical epochs change through structural contradiction
• Economic class analysis of the state cannot be applied mechanically to history
• Economic coercion alone cannot force workers to adapt to new production methods
• Economic crises alone cannot topple advanced capitalist states because civil society resists
• Economic crises alone do not directly cause fundamental historical events
• Economic crises cannot by themselves overthrow advanced capitalist states.
• Economic crises supposedly serve as artillery breaching enemy defences and rallying revolutionary troops
• Economic extremism and cultural opportunism are twin aspects of the same political immaturity.
• Economic laws of tendency operate historicistly, not as naturalistic determinisms.
• Economic restructuring does not make superstructural self-development automatic
• Economic structure can only be analyzed after it develops fully
• Economic struggle becomes political when class fights for its very organization.
• Economic subordination shaped a distinct Southern Italian socialist tradition.
• Economics, philosophy, and politics must be mutually translatable within one worldview
• Economism’s crude form retains a ferment capable of higher rebirth
• Economism’s premature judgment reduces political analysis to moralistic accusations
• Economism’s profit-hunting method is a fallacious historiographical shortcut
• Economism’s self-serving reasoning always locates profit in a progressive ruling fraction
• Education aims to form autonomous citizens, not just skilled workers
• Education distinguishes natural laws from alterable social laws via work
• Education is a formative struggle against biological instincts, not passive unwinding.
• Education is a struggle against nature that forms each new generation
• Education policy slogans can mask reactionary practice behind rhetorical progressivism
• Education shifts from imposed discipline to demanded self-discipline
• Educational reform fails when it changes curricula rather than the social complex producing teachers
• Effective politics can operate tacitly outside formal institutions like black markets
• Effective reality is a shifting equilibrium of forces, not a static ground
• Effective revolutionary parties unite force with consent dialectically
• Effective social groups are constrained to an optimal intermediate size.
• Efforts to reverse technocratic expertise tend to fail as mere moralism
• Eighteenth-century French materialism grounded equality in biological species-unity
• Elections measure the persuasive reach of elites, not equal individual opinions
• Elementary foundational ideas grow into political pillars through innumerable repetition
• Elite complaints against democracy mask a wish to seize popular decision power
• Elite cultural movements fail to penetrate society unless they win collective popular faith
• Elite cultural unity does not equal mass political unity
• Elite intellectuals must be created through a slow contradictory process
• Elite intellectuals must subordinate individual flexibility to the collective doctrine’s demands
• Elite libertinism creates totalitarian hypocrisy when coercion disappears
• Elite tactical units signal the masses’ passivity, not their combativeness.
• Elite volunteer action substitutes for mass popular participation in national history
• Elite volunteer action substitutes for, rather than expresses, popular mass participation
• Elite-led and popular revolutionary forces jointly make outcomes even when unaware
• Emerging orders ground themselves in production, not in inherited moral authority.
• Empires suppressed nationalist uprisings by enlisting subordinate ethnic groups with land promises
• Empirical positivism and speculative idealism are mirror forms of anti-historicism.
• Engelsian freedom means transcending necessity, not political liberty
• England’s nobility absorbed bourgeois functions to preserve the ruling system
• English and American divorce law far surpassed Italy’s in Gramsci’s era
• Equating individual, society, and State by pure logic produces a fascist utopia.
• Essential factual drill is indispensable at some educational stages
• Established organic forces consistently absorb spontaneous mass movements
• Estranged bureaucracy becomes a party replacing political leadership
• Ethical and interventionist state concepts have distinct philosophical and economic origins
• European culture is uniquely universal because it assimilates other cultures
• European fascism drew its intellectual lineage from syndicalist and ex-servicemen milieus.
• Even America now generates its own social passivity and new residues
• Even mechanical teaching can produce informed, self-ordering pupils
• Even the judiciary is an organ of political hegemony, not neutral arbiter.
• Every form of property depends on State intervention throughout economic life
• Every hegemonic relationship is necessarily an educational relationship
• Every hegemony relationship is an educational relationship pervading all of society
• Every human collectivity has its own specific optimum principle of fixed proportions.
• Every nation believes it invented the comforts of civilized life first.
• Every nation’s internal power relations are unique and must be studied as such
• Every person sustains or modifies a conception of the world.
• Every philosophy has confronted the problem of uniting theory and practice.
• Every philosophy is a politics embedded in its historical context
• Every philosophy tends to become the common sense of a limited intellectual environment
• Every political action serves some faction, even if not one’s own
• Every politics is implicitly a philosophy even when crudely sketched
• Every prior philosophy expressed social contradictions without consciously knowing them
• Every privilege presupposes someone else being sacrificed and exploited.
• Every social group forms its own specialized intellectual categories.
• Every social stratum carries its own common sense, sedimented from past philosophies.
• Every social system has its own law of fixed demographic proportions.
• Every society develops its own solution to the problem of bureaucratic control.
• Every society must solve the problem of bureaucratic independence
• Every sociology presupposes a philosophy of which it is a subordinate part
• Every spontaneous movement contains rudimentary elements of conscious leadership and discipline
• Every state contains territorial sectors whose local relations of force differ internally
• Every state requires both coercive arms and legitimating belief.
• Every worldview claiming eternal truth is actually historically provisional.
• Everyday language silently preserves superseded worldviews as fossilized metaphors.
• Everyone acts as a legislator by modifying their social environment
• Everyone is a philosopher; experts differ only in degree, not kind
• Everyone is an intellectual, but few hold the social function.
• Everyone possesses intellectual activity; intellectuals are a trained social stratum, not a separate species
• Exact sciences held near-fetishistic authority within Marxist thought
• Experimental science achieved the greatest cultural unification of human subjectivity
• Experimental science is the most universalized form of subjectivity
• Expertise-based bureaucracies enable capitalist control over democratic regimes
• External sacred authority legitimises hereditary dynasties after oligarchic rule.
• Extolling spontaneity as a method masks a bid to replace existing leadership
• Factional allegiance to the Comintern line determined Italian party leadership calculations
• Factional strength shifts through organizational, not ideological, factors
• Facts are only selected for enquiry against a pre-existing conceptual criterion
• Facts only become meaningful through pre-existing conceptual criteria of choice
• Failed assassination attempts trigger disproportionate factional political violence
• Failed insurrections reveal class divisions within national liberation movements
• Failed revolutionary agency lets the old order exterminate its rival elite
• Failed revolutions invalidate tactical estimates but not underlying historical analysis
• Failed transitions of power end in class extermination or mutual ruin.
• Failing to ally with radicalized petty bourgeois drives them toward the ruling class
• Failing to name internal allies of an external enemy depoliticizes struggle into petty disputes
• Family and city life confer hidden educational advantages on privileged children.
• Family environment transmits the bodily attitudes that make study succeed
• Fantasy thinking substitutes passive imagined futures for real present transformation
• Fascism absorbed the bourgeoisie, Vatican, and industrial capital by 1924
• Fascism appropriated the Hegelian idea of a national spirit to justify state power
• Fascism arrested class polarisation before the bourgeoisie formed its own party
• Fascism captured and transformed corporatism beyond its originators’ intentions.
• Fascism defines itself explicitly against democracy as rule by sheer numbers
• Fascism drew on syndicalist currents and positioned itself against both bolshevism and plutocracy.
• Fascism followed the defeat of workers, not ruling-class desperation
• Fascism is a petit-bourgeois mass movement bankrolled by big capital, not mere elite politics
• Fascism originated in the petite and rural bourgeoisie then served capitalist class interests
• Fascism represented big capital directly seizing the state apparatus.
• Fascism restored class consciousness and organization to the bourgeoisie
• Fascism shattered a school of historians whose members dispersed into exile or regime service
• Fascism unified the bourgeoisie and gave it renewed class consciousness.
• Fascism was an aggressive offensive, not a desperate defensive move
• Fascism’s 1926 consolidation rested on a repression more thorough than earlier reaction.
• Fascism’s electoral strength rested on absorbing bourgeois strata and Vatican support
• Fascism’s essence was disputed among revolutionaries in 1926
• Fascism’s internal contradictions failed to destabilize the regime.
• Fascism’s rise combined petit-bourgeois base with big-bourgeois patronage
• Fascist arrests hollowed out the PCI leadership, forcing exile-based recomposition
• Fascist corporations displaced autonomous trade unions by state-granted sole bargaining rights
• Fascist Italy replaced independent trade unions with state labour corporations.
• Fascist movements grew from ex-servicemen plotting putsches into minor electoral parties.
• Fascist movements recruited disaffected military officers radicalized by the Russian Civil War
• Fascist prison conditions nearly killed Gramsci before transfer to Formia
• Fascist repression crushed Italian communist party organisation in early 1923
• Fascist repression itself severed the Italian Communist Party’s original leadership
• Fascist repression pushed communist recruitment toward the peasantry.
• Fascist school reform aimed to synthesize Italian high culture around the national ideal
• Fascist show trials render legal evidence secondary to political verdicts.
• Fascist suppression of dissident publishing came through administrative bans and harassment
• Fatalism is active will disguised while in a weak position
• Fatalism is real will dressed in the clothing of weakness
• Fatalistic determinism and crude voluntarism can coexist in one politics
• Fatalistic determinism arose as ideology suited to subaltern social strata.
• Fear of revolutionary terror and personal ties to elites demobilized the Action Party
• Feelings in politics can themselves be expressions of economic interests, not their opposite.
• Feudal clerics were intellectuals organically bound to the landed aristocracy
• Feudal elites can keep leading a bourgeois state without fusing with the bourgeoisie
• Feudalism’s crisis begins when the aristocracy loses its military-technical monopoly
• Feuerbach’s materialism retained a dualism between objective reality and human subjectivity
• Finance capital rule can rest on a petit-bourgeois democratic base
• Finance-capital rule can rest politically on petit-bourgeois and peasant rentiers
• For Gramsci the leap-vs-evolution debate marks where theory becomes political action.
• For the PCI Left, fascist repression merely confirmed the inevitability of revolution
• Force and consent operate dialectically, not in mechanical sequence.
• Force cannot assimilate one’s own side, only compromise can
• Ford’s direct control of distribution cut costs and enabled high wages.
• Ford’s high wages derive from a new, more exhausting form of labor-power consumption.
• Ford’s high wages were paid because its methods exhausted labor power more intensely
• Ford’s wages fail to compensate for the exhaustion of its labour force.
• Fordism marks a forced passage from economic individualism to a planned economy
• Fordist hegemony rests on force plus persuasion, born in the factory.
• Fordist labour discipline requires persuasion and high wages, not coercion alone.
• Fordist rationalisation creates a new human type through psycho-physical adaptation before hegemony.
• Foreign observers endorsed fascism through its claimed practical achievements
• Foreign troops curbing local revolution alienated the rural masses and doomed the Republic
• Formal logic is acquired through study, not innate as curricula assume
• Formal logic is acquired through work, not innate
• Foscolo read Machiavelli as exposing tyranny while strengthening rulers
• Fovel theorized the corporation as a self-contained productive bloc against parasitic savers
• Fragmentary authorship requires caution against treating unfinished drafts as definitive
• Fragmented rural property spawns a disruptive stratum of appointment-seekers
• France’s 1789 revolution came amid economic plenty, not impoverishment
• France’s bourgeoisie arrived in 1789 already equipped to dominate culturally
• Freedom of research must be preserved from subordination to cultural policy
• Freedom of thought depends materially on prior mastery of natural necessity
• French fascism drew on syndicalist and anti-bolshevik movements rooted in ex-servicemen
• French Jacobinism presupposed Physiocrat culture’s economic defense of peasant proprietors
• French political culture long stressed binding Paris to the countryside.
• Full legislative power couples formulated directives with execution, verification, and mass consent
• Garibaldi’s forces suppressed Sicilian peasant revolts on behalf of order
• Generic nationalist slogans can mask a bloc’s concrete class interests
• Generic slogans like unity can mask diverging political content under one hegemony
• Gentile’s 1923 school reform tried to synthesize Italian high culture under the national ideal.
• Gentile’s pure act philosophy exalts action divorced from self-reflection.
• Genuine historical thinking holds truths as period-bound without collapsing into relativism.
• Genuine political knowledge requires sentimental connection between intellectuals and the people
• Geographical categories remain real even when they are conventional historical constructs.
• German cultural predominance was abstract prestige, not structural influence
• German idealism first introduced the creativity of thought into philosophy
• German industrialization left feudal classes ruling while the bourgeoisie held economic power
• Germany’s 1848 revolution failed from weak bourgeois concentration and the national question
• Giants, he suggests ironically, are what get filmed.
• Giolitti allied with the Catholic Electoral Union in 1913 to block socialist gains
• Giolitti replaced Crispi’s Jacobin fervor with bureaucratic continuity in policy
• Giordano Bruno distinguished contemplation from heroic striving in knowing
• Gramsci analyzed fascism as comparable to Bonapartism and New Deal interventionism
• Gramsci analyzed fascism through its social base rather than abstract class form
• Gramsci anchored revolution in autonomous class organisations dialectically linked to a vanguard party.
• Gramsci applies passive revolution to the fascist regime itself
• Gramsci asks whether parliament is part of the state structure itself
• Gramsci asks whether passive revolution characterizes the present as much as the past
• Gramsci asks whether phenomena are objective or cut out by practical and scientific interests.
• Gramsci attacked empiricism and positivism masked as materialism in Bukharin’s Manual
• Gramsci backed Bordiga partly from fear of a rightward replacement
• Gramsci believed bourgeois state forces would migrate to the democratic opposition
• Gramsci borrowed non-Marxist concepts while redefining them within Marxist discourse
• Gramsci broke from Bordiga’s immobilism while keeping his own critique of Comintern
• Gramsci came to see fascism as unifier of the ruling class, not just terror
• Gramsci censored terms like Marx and class to evade prison censors
• Gramsci coined ‘catharsis’ to name the acquisition of revolutionary consciousness while evading prison censorship.
• Gramsci conceived the Prison Notebooks as a project for the ages.
• Gramsci derives his passive revolution concept from Cuoco but transforms it
• Gramsci described the Western State inconsistently as both outer ditch and citadel
• Gramsci died in 1937 in a Rome clinic, days after his sentence expired
• Gramsci disguised ideal future systems as the past to evade censors.
• Gramsci dismissed some socialist thinkers as hollow absorbers of borrowed culture
• Gramsci distinguishes Marx’s rational dialectic from a merely materialist inversion of Hegel
• Gramsci distinguishes non-party informational papers from official party organs
• Gramsci frames Marxism as a Reformation uniting philosophy and politics
• Gramsci generalized the dual perspective beyond its tactical origins in Zinoviev
• Gramsci groups Kantianism, Aristotelian-Scholastic thought, and positivism in a shared transcendentalist matrix
• Gramsci held a minority seizure of power without mass organisms would be quickly overthrown
• Gramsci held that only mass struggle could overthrow fascism
• Gramsci held that revolutionary politics requires active intervention in history, not passive waiting.
• Gramsci judged the PCI’s failure to win socialist workers a reactionary triumph
• Gramsci never fixed one consistent definition of the State or civil society
• Gramsci never separated hegemony and consent from force and domination
• Gramsci opens whether the French revolution-restoration model can apply to other states
• Gramsci opposed Comintern policy in 1923 as firmly as Bordiga did.
• Gramsci poses whether modern theory can contradict the masses’ unschooled spontaneous feelings.
• Gramsci proposes virtues that sustain a party’s hegemonic culture against older ones
• Gramsci read Americanism as a symptom of a major historical shift in production relations.
• Gramsci read Machiavelli and Marx as twin theorists of militant action.
• Gramsci reads Machiavelli as legitimizing political leaders who defy reigning ideology
• Gramsci reduces Marx’s abstractions to mere pedagogical devices
• Gramsci refused to separate hegemony and consent from force and coercion
• Gramsci rejected any Marxism that separated knowledge from how it is acquired
• Gramsci rejected Croce’s dialectic for ignoring real class conflict in history
• Gramsci rejected faction labels of left and right as falsifying real political strategies
• Gramsci rejected left-right faction labels as inadequate to party strategy.
• Gramsci rejected predictions deferring revolution because they would force tactical retreats
• Gramsci rejected simple left-right labels for political leadership choices
• Gramsci rejected the deterministic Marxism that forbid revolution before capitalism developed.
• Gramsci rejected the fascist analogy equating Mussolini with Caesar
• Gramsci rejects Feuerbachian non-dialectical materialism as a philosophical position
• Gramsci rejects paternalist religion-as-primitive-education dressed as historicism.
• Gramsci rejects religious schooling by infantilizing the people as primitives.
• Gramsci resisted reducing political disagreements to factional labels
• Gramsci saw trade-union reformism as resisting mass organization from below
• Gramsci sustained his will through revolutionary movement belonging, not privileges
• Gramsci treats knowledge as superstructure expressing human needs and historical conditions.
• Gramsci underestimated fascism’s internal strength and stability
• Gramsci uses civil society to mean political and cultural hegemony, not Hegel’s economic sphere.
• Gramsci uses Hegel’s rational-real formula to name a moment fusing structure with superstructure.
• Gramsci was held in near-total isolation and surveillance in Milan for over a year
• Gramsci wrote nothing about Russia despite living there for eighteen months
• Gramsci wrote the Prison Notebooks during an eleven-year physical death-agony
• Gramsci’s ‘passive revolution’ concept remained internally ambiguous and unstable
• Gramsci’s ‘totalitarian intelligentsia’ means a unified, all-absorbing intellectual stratum, not a despotism
• Gramsci’s ‘totalitarian’ means all-embracing, not pejorative
• Gramsci’s 1926 theses rejected any stable post-fascist democratic phase
• Gramsci’s censorship forced a coded vocabulary for Marxist class concepts
• Gramsci’s censorship-driven vocabulary distinguishes fundamental classes from castes
• Gramsci’s Centre repudiated Italy’s pre-Livorno socialist tradition as provincial
• Gramsci’s chronic illness shaped his life and the conditions under which he wrote.
• Gramsci’s civil society shifts meaning from economic sphere to hegemony sphere
• Gramsci’s concept of ‘Dirigente’ links cultural hegemony to workers controlling the work process
• Gramsci’s concept of historical regularity derives from Ricardo’s political economy, not natural science.
• Gramsci’s concept of totality is a neutral unifying term, not a pejorative one
• Gramsci’s dirigere terms resist single English translation equivalents
• Gramsci’s early differences with Bordiga concerned theory-practice relations and party strategy.
• Gramsci’s early hardship formed his insistence that learning is disciplined work
• Gramsci’s early revolutionary voluntarism was accused of Bergsonian influence he had not directly read
• Gramsci’s factory-council focus delayed but ultimately grounded his party work
• Gramsci’s family poverty was political, driven by his father’s imprisonment for local opposition.
• Gramsci’s Italian cannot be reliably translated into English by his editors.
• Gramsci’s leadership combined anti-sectarian party norms with mass responsiveness
• Gramsci’s Lyons theses broke cleanly from Italy’s pre-1921 socialist tradition
• Gramsci’s non-abstentionist communist platform was rejected by Bordiga’s faction
• Gramsci’s notebooks are too fragmentary for definitive claims about his project.
• Gramsci’s philology means studying the Certain as distinct from the True
• Gramsci’s philosophy of praxis links theory inseparably to practice and action
• Gramsci’s philosophy of praxis unites Reformation and French Revolution
• Gramsci’s political divergence from Bordiga centered on the theory-practice relation.
• Gramsci’s prison letters persist through deprivation without self-pity
• Gramsci’s Prison Notebooks were written under fascist imprisonment and smuggled out.
• Gramsci’s prison terminology camouflaged revolutionary concepts against censorship
• Gramsci’s prison writings allude opaquely to politics because censorship barred direct speech
• Gramsci’s prison-coded language hides radical theory in aesthetic terms
• Gramsci’s project centers on forging working-class organic intellectuals
• Gramsci’s regional grievance shaped his later anti-colonial internationalism.
• Gramsci’s shared anti-centrism with Bordiga delayed his open dissent
• Gramsci’s split with Bordiga turned on party-mass relations and strategy, not overall analysis
• Gramsci’s strategy rejected a post-fascist democratic phase as impossible and unstable
• Gramsci’s theory is fundamentally polemical rather than disinterested.
• Gramsci’s theses rejected democratic transition and any broad reformed united front
• Gramsci’s thinking was inherently polemical, aimed at concrete adversaries
• Gramsci’s worker-peasant alliance strategy originated in the Southern Question
• Grasping a theory’s main principles is insufficient for correct application.
• Great powers routinely fund internal opposition parties in rival states to weaken them
• Great powers weaken rivals by backing their internal opposition parties
• Group conflict arises from worldview threat to existential meaning
• Group conflicts serve distinction and cohesion; doctrinal content is interchangeable
• Groups demand State intervention in their favor and neutrality against adversaries.
• Groups invoke state neutrality only when they cannot dominate it
• Guerrilla tactics suit weak minorities while commandos require large latent reserve forces
• Guicciardini advocated retreat into private interest as refuge from public life
• Gumperz defined politics as producing consent to a system’s measures
• Hegel achieved in one system the awareness of contradictions formerly spread across many
• Hegel alone achieved consciousness of contradictions within a single system
• Hegel saw each people’s spirit as shaping its religion, constitution, and philosophy.
• Hegemonic democracy depends on upward mobility of the led groups
• Hegemonic democracy permits molecular movement from led to leading groups
• Hegemonic rule allows the led to pass molecularly into the leading group.
• Hegemony as a concept traces to Lenin’s anti-economist revolutionary theory, not his vocabulary.
• Hegemony can be achieved through dominance over the work process.
• Hegemony is achieved by more than mere class dominance
• Hegemony means intellectuals rule by consent while dictatorship rules by force
• Hegemony means making a class the leading force of the whole nation.
• Hegemony means the party internalizing State rules as moral conduct
• Hegemony requires a separation between civil and political society
• Hegemony rests on consent backed by state coercion held in reserve
• Hegemony sometimes fuses leadership with domination in Gramsci’s usage
• Hegemony via civil society and state coercion are the two superstructural levels
• High philosophy influences the masses as external coercion, not as transforming thought
• High wages are a transitory monopoly that disappears once new production methods spread.
• High wages compel the state to regulate workers’ private spending
• High wages derive from monopoly profits and vanish once methods diffuse.
• High wages require state discipline to keep workers spending rationally
• Historians should record every step toward subaltern autonomy including false starts
• Historical action requires welding dispersed wills into one cultural-social unity.
• Historical acts require a common cultural-social worldview unifying dispersed individual wills
• Historical change arrives only when material conditions are already ripe
• Historical competition, not will, determines which ideologies win mass adhesion
• Historical economism reduces history to individual greed and technical change
• Historical fatalism played a role like predestination did for modernity
• Historical law-statements require generalizing away from unique facts
• Historical laws are constituted regularities, not metaphysical or causal determinants
• Historical materialism is fundamentally historicist, not metaphysical
• Historical materialism superseded subjectivist philosophy by posing its questions historicist terms
• Historical outcomes require analyzing auxiliary groups, not just fundamental class forces
• Historical prediction really expresses practical political effort, not scientific knowledge
• Historical tasks arise only when their material preconditions already exist
• Historical-political typologies are interpretive criteria, not rigid predicting schemata
• Historically necessary ideologies organize masses while arbitrary ones only stir individuals
• Historicism applied to itself threatens the convictions needed for political action
• History can redirect itself by covert means despite the vagaries of human wills.
• History shapes diet and taste, not the reverse
• History’s unity is a developing process, not a presupposition.
• Human beings are processes of their own actions, not fixed essences
• Human collectivities resist mechanical proportional analysis because qualitative capacities dominate
• Human essence is the ensemble of social relations, not an individual abstraction
• Human freedom is achieved socially, not through nature
• Human nature is defined by the complex of social relations, not fixed essence
• Human nature is the ever-changing complex of social relations, not a fixed essence
• Human nature is the totality of historically determined social relations
• Human nature is the totality of historically determined social relations, not a fixed essence.
• Human self-development is inseparable from transforming external social relations
• Human societies vary widely, supporting a potentialist view of nature
• Human will makes deterministic social science impossible and science itself political
• Humans are constituted by their social relations rather than an intrinsic essence
• Humans can truly know only what they themselves have made.
• Idealism denies objective knowledge and makes God a creation of the intellect.
• Idealism since Croce has repeatedly credited Bruno with anticipating modern anti-transcendentalist thought.
• Idealism’s failure to prove the Other’s existence collapses into metaphysical realism.
• Idealist aesthetics identify form and content, not technique and plot
• Idealist revisions of Marxism came from pure intellectuals while orthodoxy came from activists.
• Ideas become a material force when carried into revolutionary political practice.
• Ideas become durable only when they penetrate the masses as collective belief
• Identifying State with government constitutes the economic-corporate form of politics.
• Ideological appearances are historically necessary and valid despite their perishability.
• Ideological critique alone cannot resolve; only revolutionary praxis can
• Ideological factors lag behind economic ones and require conscious political struggle
• Ideological forms are how people become conscious of economic conflict
• Ideological forms are where historical agents perceive and wage their struggles.
• Ideological fronts differ fundamentally from military fronts in strategy
• Ideological struggle must target the strongest adversary, not the weakest
• Ideological struggle requires engaging elite adversaries, not minor ones, unlike military tactics.
• Ideological struggle requires engaging one’s strongest adversaries, unlike warfare
• Ideologically backward classes can still hold advanced practical functions
• Ideology’s shift from science of ideas to system of ideas demands historical explanation
• Idioms encode folk judgments about people who claim credit for others’ labor.
• Illegal private violence has a political function only in politically enfeebled states
• Immanence is the unifying concept translating German philosophy into historicist form
• Immanentism is progressive only when historicised and materialist
• Immanentist philosophies fail by remaining confined to elite circles
• Immigrant labor fills unskilled work while natives hold direction and skilled trades
• Impoverished rural strata use left-wing subversivism as blackmail while siding with the right
• Imprisonment can be endured as continued productive struggle rather than defeat.
• Imprisonment shifted Gramsci’s struggle from active to patient endurance
• Imprisonment threatens the prisoner’s belief that past struggles had meaning
• Improvised charismatic movements can outperform established organic parties in action
• In advanced industrial states, wars of manoeuvre diminish to tactical rather than strategic roles.
• In extreme national crises industrialists fall back on the landed class’s permanent party
• In Italy ‘middle class’ means the intellectual and professional strata
• In its own field the party functions more completely than the State.
• In Renaissance politics religion was civil society, the hegemonic apparatus of the ruling group.
• In the West civil society is a sturdy fortress behind the state’s outer ditch
• Incest occurred in 30 percent of families in Italy’s most patriarchal rural regions
• Independent factory committees clashed with seeking union-institution alliances
• Individualism and sectarianism both constitute forms of political apoliticism
• Individuality cannot escape the social system because its inner essence already embodies that system
• Industrial civilization can develop inside a feudal-bureaucratic shell
• Industrial civilization’s habits arise through coercive subjugation of instinct, not consent
• Industrial class politics displaced but did not erase Gramsci’s regional-peasant concerns
• Industrial non-uniformity generates privileged closed-shop labour aristocracies.
• Industrial rationalization of production requires rationalizing the sexual instinct
• Industrial work rationalization requires reshaping workers’ entire mode of living, not just their labor
• Industrialist parties failed because they represented a class nexus, not one class.
• Industrialists shift support among parties rather than founding their own
• Industrialists wield influence by funding whichever party suits their balance of forces
• Inefficient parliamentarianism does not justify praising bureaucracy
• Inner-party Soviet struggles had shifted alliances by 1925-26
• Institutional authority can override a party’s own internal majority preference
• Institutionalized religion can transform from a revitalizing force into a narcotic for the masses.
• Institutions are instruments made of thinking humans, not robots.
• Institutions forcibly retake space surrendered in earlier concessions to protesters
• Instruction inevitably becomes education because no pupil is purely passive
• Instrumental progress cannot explain scientific advance across fields
• Integralism masked reactionary social effects behind purely doctrinal theological language.
• Intellectual clairvoyance only becomes political when it becomes disseminated passion
• Intellectual clarity only becomes political force when it turns into shared popular passion
• Intellectual clarity only becomes politically effective as disseminated passion
• Intellectual creativity needs freedom from fixed disciplinary limits
• Intellectual desertion causes cultural sterility until the people breed new intellectuals
• Intellectual excellence requires mechanically coerced psycho-physical habits from childhood.
• Intellectual gatherings concentrate influence and steer lower-rank intellectuals by caste spirit.
• Intellectual growth and mass cultural elevation advance dialectically together
• Intellectual influence travels indirectly through intermediaries rather than by direct reading
• Intellectual influence without popular ties prompts organic centralism theories.
• Intellectual revolutions require confronting social forces, not just rival philosophies
• Intellectual self-discipline and moral independence must precede all specialisation
• Intellectual status belongs to anyone performing a directive and organisational function
• Intellectual status is defined by social relations, not by work’s intrinsic nature
• Intellectual strata can be graded by their organic connection to a dominant social group
• Intellectual strata emerge from concrete historical class processes, not abstract democracy
• Intellectual struggle targets representative exponents, not every individual opinion holder
• Intellectuals act as functionaries of the superstructures mediating society and production
• Intellectuals are class-bound, not an autonomous social category
• Intellectuals are defined by social relations, not intrinsic activity.
• Intellectuals are never class-neutral but split into traditional and organic types
• Intellectuals attract followers only while their class genuinely advances society.
• Intellectuals claiming continuity with the past are fossilized remnants
• Intellectuals cut off from popular passion become a bureaucratic caste unable to make history
• Intellectuals divide into traditional and organic groups tied to class formations
• Intellectuals must distinguish durable instrumental values from transient philosophical ones inherited from the past.
• Intellectuals revise their own published history to appease a new regime
• Intellectuals who cling to inherited language are conservative and reactionary.
• Intellectuals who detach from popular feeling become a bureaucratic caste, not true intellectuals
• Intellectuals who remain detached from popular passions become a caste, not leaders
• Intellectuals’ self-image as autonomous shapes ideology and politics.
• Intellectuals’ self-image as autonomous stems from their historical esprit de corps
• Intellectuals’ self-perception as paternalistic versus organic determines whether masses enter the state
• Intense political passion must be convertible into moral duty
• Internal party struggles over bolshevisation eroded the Left’s strength through multiple converging forces
• Internal peasant stratification does not threaten the worker-peasant alliance.
• International bodies like religions function as transnational political parties mediating between nations
• International power relations shape each nation’s internal class-political development
• International relations logically follow domestic social-structural changes
• Interpretations of Gramsci require his pre-1926 political context, not later criteria.
• Introducing Fordism into Europe demanded extreme coercion against moral resistance.
• Isolated smallholders combine into a nation only by mere addition, not social relation
• Italian ‘internationalism’ was actually medieval Catholic cosmopolitanism without national consciousness
• Italian anarcho-syndicalist leaders moved from radicalism into fascism via nationalism.
• Italian aristocratic deference to foreign rulers persisted even as nationalists refused it
• Italian bourgeois revolution aims were sacrificed to Piedmontese state ambitions
• Italian Catholic voters backed liberal government candidates to block socialist gains
• Italian city-state oligarchies preceded and legitimized princely dynasties
• Italian communes failed to transcend the corporative phase into a modern state
• Italian communists opposed fusion with reformist socialists even after expulsions
• Italian communists read fascist repression as proof of imminent revolution in 1924.
• Italian Communists read mounting repression as proof of revolution’s approach
• Italian corporatism arose from economic policing needs, not industrial modernisation.
• Italian corporatism predated Fascism with Catholic, Socialist, and capitalist backers.
• Italian criminology founded by Ferri rejected moral retribution for deterrence-based punishment
• Italian dirigenza terms resist single-English-equivalent translation
• Italian futurism shifted from popular anticultural revolt to fascist nationalism during the war
• Italian history is driven by the city-countryside relation as its fundamental motor force
• Italian idealism and Second International socialism both drew on German sources.
• Italian industry profited enormously from the First World War
• Italian internationalism was really a weak populism built on cultural rather than political unity
• Italian Left governments preserved Right policies under new personnel
• Italian maximalist socialism valued principle-preservation over concrete political strategy
• Italian national unity rested on a weak 1300-1700 cultural tradition rather than political history
• Italian parliamentary parties collapsed into personal cliques via trasformismo
• Italian parliamentary parties dissolved into factions that converged into one ruling bloc
• Italian party convergence under Depretis erased substantive Left-Right differences until socialism
• Italian skilled workers embraced automation while American workers opposed it
• Italian socialism’s party led a loose federation of forces, not a disciplined vanguard
• Italian state life since 1848 was characterized by transformism
• Italian unification faced open resistance from French national interests
• Italian unification posed a national question only in partial aspects, not fully
• Italian unification repressed peasant insurrections against landowners
• Italian unity was North-over-South hegemony, not equality.
• Italian urbanism cannot be read as a simple index of industrialisation
• Italy created state mortgage institutions to rescue banks during the Great Depression
• Italy’s active-to-passive population ratio was among Europe’s worst
• Italy’s Catholic party supported fascism before being suppressed and dissolved by 1926.
• Italy’s communal bourgeoisie failed to transcend the economic-corporate phase and form a national state
• Italy’s cosmopolitan intellectuals both caused and reflected its political fragmentation.
• Italy’s failure to form a national state left the Papacy as its absolutist center
• Italy’s first universal-suffrage election hinged on a Catholic-liberal pact against socialism
• Italy’s Renaissance bourgeoisie failed to create a national state while Northern Europe succeeded.
• Italy’s school system divides academic from vocational training
• Jacobinism exemplifies the ex novo formation of a collective will.
• Jacobinism means organically uniting city and countryside through peasant consent
• Jacobinism’s constructive popular-mass content was split from its destructive sectarian image.
• Jacobins forged town-country bonds, persisting in successor forms after defeat.
• Japan industrialized within a surviving feudal-bureaucratic shell unlike Western patterns
• Job mechanization repurposes reflection as error and erases interpretive labor
• Job qualification rises as a worker’s intellectual engagement with the task falls
• Journalists claim intellectual status by modeling letters and philosophy.
• Judging a regime as historically transitory prevents that judgement from becoming endorsement.
• Judging past thought as mere folly is itself a metaphysical error
• Junior-officer class origins underpin Bonapartist Caesarism forms
• Juridical order is ontological while political order is critical and evaluative
• Knowing social relations as historically formed already modifies them
• Knowing social relations historically enables individuals to multiply their agency collectively
• Knowledge acquisition is an active creative process, not mechanical reception
• Knowledge and objectivity are only knowable in relation to humanity
• Labriola originated the philosophy of praxis as the unity of theory and practice.
• Labriola saw the philosophy of praxis as independently self-developing
• Labriola’s Marxism was widely misread in an idealist direction.
• Laissez-faire is itself a form of deliberate state regulation.
• Laissez-faire is itself a form of state regulation, not an absence of it
• Laissez-faire liberalism only rotates ruling-party office, never changes State structure
• Landless agricultural labourers are peasants without land rather than industrialized farm workers
• Landlord allies pushed Italian capital toward outright working-class repression
• Landowner tenancy policies deliberately fragmented the Po valley workforce
• Landowners’ tenure choices deliberately fragmented the peasantry into class allies
• Landowning strata profit directly from keeping peasants impoverished and degraded
• Language changes through class culture acquisition and hegemonic national languages
• Language choice serves intellectual hegemony, not mere communication
• Language is a stratified multiplicity reflecting historico-social differences, not a unitary thing
• Language preserves fossilized worldviews within its living metaphors
• Large samples average out random variation to reveal underlying economic laws
• Latin as a dead language can be dissected analytically while living languages cannot
• Lavoisier was executed for raising taxes, not for his chemistry
• Lavoisier’s execution stemmed from his tax-collector post rather than his chemistry
• Law functions to make the ruling group homogeneous and create social conformism
• Law is the state’s instrument for creating a desired type of citizen
• Law must be stripped of all transcendental and absolutist residues.
• Leaders chronically assume that declaring an order just makes it happen
• Leaders mistakenly assume obedience among their own group must be automatic
• Leadership change in the P.C.I. cannot be explained by Comintern influence alone.
• Learners actively create meaning even within abstract drill
• Left factions failed to unite because their strategies were mutually contradictory
• Legal form alone is insufficient for Americanisation to take hold.
• Legislative capacity requires both coercive instruments and spontaneous mass consent
• Legitimate legal order requires internal assent, not external coercion
• Lenin built the doctrine of hegemony to supplement a force-based theory of the state.
• Lenin contested the Social Democratic division of labour between workers and intellectuals
• Lenin defined economism as confining workers to economic struggle without politics.
• Lenin held that the proletariat spontaneously develops only trade-union, not revolutionary, consciousness
• Lenin saw that revolution required shifting tactics from East to West
• Leopardi mocked progress optimism by setting civilization against Vesuvius’s threat.
• Liberal Catholic movements embedded bourgeois liberal assumptions before disappearing after 1870.
• Liberal state forms are prerequisites for Americanised industrial monopoly
• Liberalism and syndicalism serve dominant versus still-subaltern groups.
• Liberation promises without material redistribution leave peasants uncomprehending and re-criminalized
• Libertarian sexual ideology spread by leisured elites degrades working-class habits
• Linguistic form lags behind radical historical change
• Literary judgments require historical knowledge to separate the personal from the representative
• Literary polemics over Supercountry and Supercity masked a real Italian social conflict
• Llull could not convince even in a debate he staged to vindicate his rationality.
• Local republics sustained resistance after their formal armies collapsed.
• Lorenzo’s death ended the Italian balance of power and invited foreign domination
• Lorenzo’s death in 1492 triggered Italian foreign domination until the Risorgimento
• Lost profits privatize while losses nationalize in statist capitalism.
• Low state-guaranteed savings demand an excessively low standard of living for workers
• Loyal party discipline must flow from conviction, not mechanical coercion
• Lukacs did not actually maintain a dualism between natural and human history.
• Lukacs’s dialectic is historically monist, not dualist between nature and humanity
• Machiavelli blamed transitory conditions, not human nature, for Italy’s failure
• Machiavelli derived political rules from objective conditions of struggle, not ethics
• Machiavelli distinguished political action from political science
• Machiavelli must be read as historically situated, not as a timeless political scientist
• Machiavelli pioneered fusing political ideology with science as myth
• Machiavelli premised Italy’s Renaissance on founding a national state.
• Machiavelli reasoned elliptically from unified France and Spain to general state rules
• Machiavelli reduces everything to politics, the art of securing permanent consent
• Machiavelli reframed fortune as circumstance and virtu as human capacity
• Machiavelli sought willing follower loyalty to a leader despite ideological clash
• Machiavelli wrote as an agitator urging action, not as a systematic theorist
• Machiavelli’s concepts function as intuitions and symbols, not metaphysics
• Machiavelli’s fortune concept is lived intuition, not metaphysical abstraction
• Machiavelli’s logical argument functions as the people’s own inner reasoning
• Machiavelli’s political concepts were worldly intuitions, not metaphysics
• Machiavelli’s political priorities distort his military theory
• Machiavelli’s political theory centers on securing permanent consent through the art of governing.
• Machiavelli’s political theory expresses Italy’s specific structural contradictions of his era
• Machiavelli’s political writing embodies an original philosophy of praxis rather than utopia
• Machiavelli’s politics demanded drawing rulers closer to the people
• Machiavelli’s Prince drew on foreign, not Italian, unification experience.
• Machiavelli’s Prince epilogue functions as a political manifesto through mythic identification
• Machiavelli’s realism derives rules from objective conditions rather than ethics
• Machiavelli’s science of state mirrors the era’s drive toward absolute monarchies
• Machiavelli’s thought answers three nested layers of Italian political crisis
• Machiavelli’s virtu means human capacity, ability, and self-measure, not divine virtue
• Machiavelli’s virtu means Renaissance capacity, not scholastic virtue or Livian valour
• Machiavelli’s work is immediate political action, not utopian blueprint
• Machiavelli’s work is political action, not utopian blueprint or abstract science.
• Making education artificially easy distorts the training needed for genuine intellectual work.
• Man is a process, the product of his own actions
• Many political acts spring from organizational needs, not structure
• Many political and ideological acts serve organizational coherence needs
• Manzoni’s Betrothed fuses Enlightenment reason uneasily with Catholic Quietism.
• Marsilio of Padua blamed papal temporal power for Italy’s wars
• Marx distinguished scientific determination of material production from ideological forms of consciousness
• Marx distinguishes material economic transformation from ideological forms of consciousness
• Marx locates reality in phenomenal forms, not behind them
• Marx preferred ‘rational dialectic’ to ‘materialist dialectic’
• Marx read Hegel’s Philosophy of Right as a critical analysis, not a conservative apology
• Marx read Hegel’s Philosophy of Right as both critical analysis and negation.
• Marx refused the label materialist for his own philosophy of praxis
• Marx refused to reduce history to a single ultimate economic cause
• Marx’s concept of necessity derives from Ricardo’s determined market, not natural science
• Marx’s inversion of Hegel is oppositional, not a simple turn from idealism to materialism
• Marx’s philosophy is irreducible to its Hegelian and materialist sources
• Marx’s practical aphorisms conceal an implicit full philosophy
• Marx’s Theses on Feuerbach reject separating theory from practice
• Marxism allied with foreign doctrines to fight religious residue among the masses
• Marxism continues immanence stripped of metaphysics onto historical terrain
• Marxism degenerated into economism by fusing with laissez-faire liberalism
• Marxism historicizes the Hegelian idea across both structure and superstructure.
• Marxism influenced modern thought most powerfully through diffuse, unacknowledged absorption
• Marxism is absolute historicism, not metaphysical materialism
• Marxism is essentially Hegel’s philosophy combined with Ricardo’s economics.
• Marxism synthesizes the Reformation plus the French Revolution into a unified theory
• Marxism’s alliance with vulgar materialism responded to popular religious culture
• Marxism’s core innovation is rejecting transcendence, not asserting materialism
• Marxism’s educational mission to the masses absorbed its intellectual strength
• Marxist currents widely subordinated theory to practice’s needs
• Marxist intellectuals historically emerged from intermediary classes rather than the people.
• Marxist orthodoxy allied chiefly with traditional materialism over Kantianism
• Marxist orthodoxy derived its core concepts from Lange’s conventional materialism
• Marxist philosophy continues and purifies the philosophy of immanence.
• Marxist philosophy fuses German philosophy with English political economy
• Marxist theory has been widely framed as subordinate to political practice.
• Marxist theory has itself ossified into the popular prejudice it critiqued
• Marxist theory itself is a product of historical contradictions and will disappear with them
• Mass conviction rests on social group membership, not recalled arguments
• Mass ideology differs from the elite philosophical cornerstones that must be engaged.
• Mass ideology differs from the scientific syntheses that anchor it.
• Mass ideology must be distinguished from its great philosophical cornerstones
• Mass movements develop the high culture only in later phases
• Mass philosophy must start from common sense and take polemical form
• Mass-intellectual splits are healed by disciplining elites, not elevating masses
• Masses will not sacrifice for leaders who offer no concrete return
• Mastering a theory’s principles alone does not ensure correct application
• Material conditions do not mechanistically determine history; social development shapes material life.
• Material forces are social creations, not discoveries of preexisting nature
• Material forces of production are the measureable skeleton of historical process
• Material forces of production determine the superstructure and drive social revolutions
• Materialism polemically named any thought excluding transcendence.
• Materialist mentality self-reinforces through its own dissemination
• Materialist method develops quality through measurable quantitative work
• Matter matters only as socially organized for production
• Mature civil society resists economic crises like trench systems resist artillery
• Mazzini favored professional armies over popular insurrection to defend the Roman Republic
• Mazzini-inspired insurrection failed because aristocrats withheld support
• Mazzini’s followers could break with him over assassination tactics
• Mazzinism offered no self-criticism from within its own ranks
• Mechanical causality cannot account for qualitative change or historical novelty.
• Mechanical determinism makes people believe history moves without them.
• Mechanical repetition in childhood builds the psychophysical habits scholarship later requires.
• Mechanicism functioned as the religion of the subaltern masses
• Mechanized work frees the worker’s brain rather than mummifying it
• Media beauty competitions cultivate commodified feminine status in ruling classes.
• Mediaeval proletarians could ally and rebel but classical slaves could not
• Mediation by work yields a dialectical world-conception free of magic.
• Medieval subaltern groups could ally upward while classical slaves could not
• Medium and small rural bourgeoisie dominate the bureaucratic career in modern Europe
• Members join parties for directive functions, not economic gain.
• Mere verbal identification of individual and state changes no one’s consciousness.
• Merging knowledge and being avoids relativism only if a single unified human subject exists
• Meridionalist equality among urban elites was historical fiction masking northern domination
• Metaphysics is any assertion of extra-historical abstract universal truth.
• Metaphysics is any system presented as extra-historical abstract truth
• Michels, Mosca, and Pareto founded elite theory that indirectly influenced Gramsci
• Militarised labour policy was adopted in 1920 and eroded by trade-union opposition.
• Military analysts gauge capability by measurable inputs despite tenuous links to outcomes
• Military character can operate through civilians without open army participation
• Military coups in Spain rise from elite clique rivalries, not rank-and-file revolt
• Military influence masks the class origin of its officer stratum
• Military leadership cannot be separated from political leadership in national struggles
• Military oppression of a nation also needs the politico-military terrain to be explained
• Misreading organic-conjunctural relations yields either economism or ideologism errors
• Misunderstanding the state as dictatorship plus hegemony causes strategic errors
• Misunderstanding the state’s dual nature causes strategic errors in politics
• Mobility into intellectual roles severs a person’s organic link to their class of origin
• Moderates won intellectuals by offering a dignified national philosophy
• Modern anti-historical individualism means private appropriation of socially produced wealth
• Modern Caesarism is police-run rather than military-run
• Modern Caesarism operates through party and union coercion, not military coups
• Modern cultural authority lacks the institutional center it once had
• Modern democratic equality originated as biological species equality
• Modern individualism emerged from the Renaissance-Reformation shift to immanentism
• Modern Islamic economic and political structures replicate rather than differ from global capitalism
• Modern science advanced by expelling Aristotle and the Bible from its authority
• Modern state disintegration is worse than medieval because it lacks integrative forces
• Modern state leaders need technical literacy to adjudicate expert proposals
• Modern states replace the mechanical bloc with active hegemony by dominant groups
• Moltke the younger was unfairly scapegoated for losing the 1914 Marne campaign
• Moltke was scapegoated to preserve the myth of Schlieffen’s planning genius
• Montesquieu’s separation of powers shaped the American Constitution
• Moral and cultural reform cannot proceed detached from economic reform
• Moral crises among elites do not destabilize workers already disciplined by necessity
• Moral decay panic is really a struggle between two competing conformisms
• Moral reform requires economic reform as its concrete form
• Moral-cultural reform must be grounded in economic reform to take effect.
• Moral-religious reformers can gain popular support by predicting calamities that then appear fulfilled
• Moralistic unitarianism suppressed objective evidence of regional conflict as intimidation.
• Mosca’s political class and Pareto’s elite are earlier versions of Gramsci’s intellectuals concept
• Movements gain political independence by learning that social conditions have contingent causes.
• Movements only become transformative when they learn nothing exists naturally.
• Movements that reach the people pay for it with slowed theoretical development
• Mussolini framed fascism as opposition to democracy and majority rule
• Mussolini rejected opposition as unnecessary and internalized it within the regime.
• Naive empiricism masks dogmatism by claiming scientific method
• Names can be explained by the contradiction of what they denote
• Naples’ economy is organized around rentier consumption rather than productive industry
• Naples’ enlightened rationalist intellectuals became the Jacobins of the 1799 republic
• National historical variations depend partly on international relations
• National living-standard averages conceal chronic malnutrition among lower strata.
• National parties defiance of Moscow aimed to investigate Soviet conditions
• National party lines could diverge from shifting Comintern strategy in the mid-1920s
• National relations of force interlock with international relations to form unique historical combinations
• National unity depended on cohesion among all urban forces
• Nationalism converted radical syndicalist leaders into fascists via transformism.
• Nationalist commitment and aristocratic deference diverged in Risorgimento-era Italy
• Nationalist polemic can recast a food staple as foreign cultural contamination.
• Natural forces become historical only through social creation and use
• Natural forces become historically operative only when production harnesses them
• Neapolitan industry serves landowner consumption rather than productive accumulation
• Neglected spontaneous revolts enable right-wing coups during economic crises
• Neo-Guelphism offered a papal federation vision defeated by the Risorgimento monarchy
• Neo-Guelphism sought an Italian federation under the Pope
• New conceptions spread by rational form, authority, or organisational membership
• New orders are built by those who bear the burden, not the condemned
• New ruling groups must initially inherit existing functionary categories rather than replace them.
• New work methods require a matching mode of living and thinking
• New world-conceptions diffuse through rational form, authority, or organizational belonging.
• Newspapers split into nominally non-party popular papers and restricted party organs
• Nineteenth-century conservative elites pioneered social welfare legislation to preempt radical demands
• Nineteenth-century parliamentary hegemony channeled rising energies while continuously re-formation society
• Nineteenth-century state-church conflicts were bourgeois-democratic struggles against reactionary residues
• No class-state can be a regulated society; order and harmony require communism.
• No systematic research attributes the original philosophy of praxis thought
• Non-participation in fascism can still promote a depoliticising justificationism toward it
• Normal hegemony balances force and consent so that force appears based on majority consent
• Normal parliamentary rule works by balancing force and consent, with corruption bridging them
• Northern and Southern Italian intellectual strata have structurally distinct forms
• Northern urban forces subordinated Southern urban leadership within national unity
• Not every ideological shift directly mirrors the economic base.
• Objective conditions become political power only through organized capable cadres
• Objective historical conditions only become politically effective through organized cadres and capable leadership.
• Objective possibility constitutes freedom but requires knowing and wanting
• Objectivity is historical and exists only in relation to man.
• Official philosophy is reduced to a mental Taylorism serving industry
• Old European societies contain sedimented relics that check rapid historical progress
• Old ruling forces granted concessions only to gain time for counter-attack
• Only a class that will abolish itself can build a true ethical State
• Only already-dead languages can be taught through analytical dissection
• Only dead languages can be studied by analytic, abstracting grammar methods
• Only irreproducible individual works deserve the label quality; reproducible goods are quantity
• Only the Greek carbonarist revolution of 1820-21 achieved durable results
• Only unreproducible individual works qualify as quality; reproducible things are quantity.
• Only what humans make can be truly known, since maker and object coincide
• Opponents exploit historicist self-reference to accuse it of moral scepticism
• Opposition forces fragmented and refused a common front, easing fascism’s legal consolidation.
• Oppositions between quantity and quality mask political choices about who holds each.
• Optimism and pessimism are both sentimental dispositions toward history
• Orally delivered arguments tend toward superficiality of logic
• Orally delivered theory tends toward superficiality and uncritical habits
• Ordine Nuovo located revolutionary development in the productive organism, not the state
• Organic and democratic centralism are organisational forms hiding real political relations
• Organic ideologies organize masses while arbitrary ones only produce individual movements
• Organic intellectuals must arise from and stay in contact with the masses
• Organic versus traditional intellectuals is the key axis for analysis
• Organic working-class intellectuals link production roles to political direction
• Organisational impotence at national level sealed defeat despite the masses enacting the idea.
• Organizational coherence drives political action more than economic structure does
• Organizational discontinuity and improvisation outweigh the risk of bureaucratization
• Organizational rupture with old socialism did not require ideological rupture too
• Original thought can also inherit a prior heritage
• Parasitic urbanism describes cities that only consume not create
• Parliament’s real status within the State structure is an open question
• Parliamentary rule achieved permanent urban-class hegemony through privately organised consent
• Parties are not passive expressions of classes but act back upon them
• Party control of all mass movements leads to political immobilism
• Party leadership changes must be read through local history, not external dictates alone
• Party spirit, not individualism, is the foundation of State spirit
• Party unity must rest on conviction, not mechanical coercion.
• Passive revolution denotes either revolution without masses or molecular hidden change
• Passive revolution is an interpretive criterion, not a fatalistic programme
• Passive revolution is the political form of a war of position
• Passive revolution is the thesis absorbing the antithesis to avoid being transcended.
• Passive revolution theory risks fatalism but remains dialectically dependent on a vigorous antithesis
• Passive revolutions can unfold molecularly beneath society’s surface
• Passive revolutions suppress some contradictions only to spawn new ones
• Passive-revolution ideology reinforces hegemony by manufacturing expectation and hope
• Past philosophical systems remain historically valid even after being superseded
• Peasant and intellectual initiatives advance each other reciprocally
• Peasant and intellectual movements reinforce each other dialectically
• Peasant cruelty to childless elders drives couples toward having children
• Peasant political autonomy varies inversely with landowner organized strength
• Peasants fought for Austria because nationalism seemed a gentlemen’s affair
• People accept necessary sacrifice but revolt against needless or neglectful losses
• People answer what they think a question means, not what is literally asked
• People answer what they think you mean, not what you say
• People can outsource self-discipline when willpower alone fails
• People’s supposed deficiencies are historical facts, not natural traits
• Permanent revolution succeeds only when grounded in a particular society’s concrete historical relations.
• Persistent illusions about a party’s revolutionary character prolonged resistance to new strategy.
• Personality is built through directed will, concrete means, and remaking conditions
• Persons are understood as free unifications of responsibility rather than as substances
• Philology pursues the certain, distinct from philosophy’s pursuit of the true
• Philosophers have historically served to justify established authority
• Philosophers’ conviction of expressing unity is what turns ideas into material social forces
• Philosophical elaboration must be performed within the history of philosophy
• Philosophical immediacy to practice produces vulgar conservatism rather than cultural elevation.
• Philosophical innovation matters when it becomes a mass, popular phenomenon
• Philosophical truths are historically conditioned yet avoid relativism.
• Philosophy and common sense differ in degree, not kind
• Philosophy and history are indivisible, forming a single bloc
• Philosophy becomes historically true by diffusing into the popular mentality.
• Philosophy functions as a practical instrument for political organizing
• Philosophy instruction must progress from common sense through religion to systems
• Philosophy is a concrete social activity engaging everyone, not elite abstraction
• Philosophy is a socio-practical activity uniting thought with action
• Philosophy of praxis claims historicist self-explanation beyond its predecessors.
• Philosophy of praxis elevates the masses rather than disciplining intellectuals
• Philosophy of praxis elevates the masses rather than preserves their common sense.
• Philosophy of praxis entered Italy through Labriola and united theory with practice
• Philosophy of praxis must be understood as historical methodology.
• Philosophy of praxis shifted from mechanistic fatalism toward activist unity of theory and practice.
• Philosophy that never leaves elite circles cannot transform common sense
• Philosophy unlike other specialisms is an activity proper to every human
• Philosophy works by replacing one common sense with another aligned to the ruling group
• Philosophy-of-praxis intellectuals stayed rooted in intermediary classes, not the people
• Philosophy’s history must include mass worldviews and ruling groups, not just philosophers
• Physiocracy anticipated a more complex capitalist future than its own agrarian rhetoric suggests
• Piedmont’s leaders sabotaged volunteer support and rejected mass mobilization options
• Pisacane advocated peasant armies and a war of national insurrection, anticipating the Russian Narodniks
• Po valley rural poverty appeared as a pauperism crisis in the Risorgimento
• Policies of qualitative production inevitably produce disqualified quantity and malnutrition
• Political activity is the first, most elementary level of the superstructure
• Political actors who understand their rivals’ full role hold decisive superiority
• Political and intellectual action is the true expression of economic necessity
• Political commitment, not ill health, drove Gramsci from university.
• Political ideas must be translated to local conditions to move real movements
• Political imprisonment threatens the prisoner’s conviction in his past struggle
• Political intuition means connecting disparate facts and directing passions toward action
• Political intuition means swift synthesis of disparate facts toward an end
• Political labels change meaning across languages and ideological contexts
• Political leaders must gain enough technical culture to judge expert advice
• Political leaders need technical literacy to arbitrate among experts
• Political leadership can be exercised by a replaceable inner group, not one person
• Political movements should be analyzed via mass content and balance of forces
• Political myths mobilize action through images while utopias only mislead.
• Political myths work by embodying collective will in a concrete individual.
• Political parties are mechanisms for producing organic intellectuals
• Political parties are the laboratories where world-conceptions become practical ethics
• Political parties are the most effective institutions for training leaders and followers
• Political parties can serve foreign powers rather than their own interests
• Political parties function as laboratories unifying theory and practice into new intelligentsias.
• Political parties function as organs of order and surveillance
• Political parties mediate between state coercion and voluntary moral conduct
• Political parties prove that organized permanent passion is operationally possible
• Political parties remain the most effective instrument for producing leaders
• Political positions demanding contradictory simultaneous moves become tactically weak
• Political prisoners organized peer education courses in Italian detention.
• Political radicals in backward national contexts can outpace those in advanced ones
• Political realism is an inherited skill of ruling classes, not universal knowledge
• Political resistance weakens an oppressor by dispersing its military force.
• Political self-consciousness arises through struggling against opposing hegemonies
• Political siege is reciprocal; the ruler’s resource mobilization proves the adversary’s strength
• Political slogans can be historically concrete despite appearing abstract later
• Political stances must be judged by whether they stand alone or answer other forces
• Political statistics lose validity once masses become politically active
• Political strategy must orient toward the national majority, not an international minority.
• Political struggle continues after military defeat like colonial conquest does
• Political struggle continues after military defeat on political terrain
• Political struggle resembles permanent conquest rather than finite military war.
• Political will is defined by means-end capacity, not by its goal.
• Political will means operative awareness of historical necessity in action.
• Political writing requires partisan passion, not detached scientific objectivity
• Politics disguised as culture becomes insoluble jargon.
• Politics is not a mechanical reflection of economic structure
• Politics mediates between elite and popular philosophy without eliminating hierarchy.
• Politics mediates between elite philosophy and common sense
• Politics must be established as an autonomous science within any coherent worldview
• Politics reflects structural tendencies that may never become realized
• Politics sustains permanent organizations by identifying with economics while transcending it
• Popular beliefs can carry the energy of a material force
• Popular masses accept new ideas only as heterogeneous combinations, not pure forms
• Popular masses adopt new world-views only as heterogeneous and bizarre combinations.
• Popular mobilization requires concrete concessions, not abstract appeals
• Popular political change requires diffuse ideological preparation, not just armed insurrection.
• Popular psychological study must actively transform common sense into modern mentality
• Popular religiosity is crassly materialist and close to common sense
• Popular serial fiction in 1840s Paris blended vague humanitarian and democratic ideas.
• Popular uprisings succeed only when elite allies coordinate with mass discontent
• Popular uprisings succeed when mass discontent merges with elite conspiratorial planning.
• Positing a unitary ‘human’ as a starting point is a theological residue
• Positive culture-building precedes negative polemics like anti-clericalism in hegemonic struggle
• Positivist empiricism can be as anti-historical as speculative idealism
• Positivist sociology borrows natural-science criteria and lacks the dialectical principle
• Post-1815 ‘restoration’ was a realignment limiting, not reversing, middle-class gains.
• Posthumously published works must be read provisionally, not as definitive
• Postwar hegemony had to be rebuilt around masses newly stirred into chaotic movement.
• Postwar Italy suffered economic collapse that its makeshift governments could not address
• Practitioners escape dogmas of their age better than occasional philosophers do
• Pre-capitalist cities sustain an ideological unity against the countryside
• Pre-modern states worked as mechanical blocs of semi-autonomous social groups with dual power
• Pre-Risorgimento Italian federalists offered several opposed visions of the future state.
• Pre-unification Italian federalism offered a rival vision to unitary statehood
• Prediction acquires objectivity only when tied to a programme of will.
• Prediction is never neutral but serves the predictor’s programme
• Prediction of historical events is a practical act, not a scientific act of knowledge.
• Predictive capacity lies in the will, not in the worldview itself
• Predictive superiority lies in the will, not the worldview
• Premature economism reduces politics to accusations of bad faith and duplicity
• Premature systematization produces only illusory coherence in a doctrine
• Presumed national deficiencies are historical facts, not permanent traits
• Principality and republic are not opposed but hypostatize authority and universality
• Prison censorship forced Gramsci to mask Marxists and Marxist concepts in code names
• Prison censorship forced Gramsci to read Marx mostly through Croce’s commentaries
• Prison censorship forced Gramsci to rewrite his notebooks using veiled language.
• Prison conditions shaped the form Gramsci’s theoretical work took
• Prison produced Gramsci’s entire theoretical output under surveillance.
• Prison radicalized Bordiga against Comintern policy while Tasca urged submission
• Private associations form the hegemonic apparatus underlying the coercive State
• Private corporate discipline can be absorbed into state ideology over time
• Private moral regulation becomes state function when crises demand it
• Productive forces form the measurable skeleton of historical change
• Professional skill in text reproduction requires suppressing intellectual interest in content
• Profit rates depend jointly on exploitation rate and organic composition of capital
• Progress and becoming were born together as politics in France and philosophy in Germany
• Progress as ideology differs fundamentally from becoming as philosophy
• Progress fails when its standard bearers become part of nature
• Progress is a historically-bounded ideology; becoming is a pure philosophical concept
• Progressive economic reform depends on demoting pure property rights to technico-industrial functional necessities
• Progressive parties use democratic centralism while regressive ones become unthinking bureaucratic executors
• Progressive state direction would require abolishing parasitic property income
• Property ownership always involves state intervention
• Protectionism forged capitalist-class alliance while devastating the Italian peasantry.
• Protectionism trapped Southern peasants in a dual loss of export markets and cheap goods
• Protectionist policy created the Italian North-South divide that became the Southern Question.
• Proverbs show sex-as-sport framing pervades even rural same-class relations
• Pseudo-vanguardism lacks organic links to the masses it claims to lead
• PSI war-time abstentionism left a political vacuum into which fascism expanded
• Psychoanalysis gained popularity as a response to intensified state and social coercion on individuals.
• Psychoanalysis’s postwar spread evidenced rising state coercion of individuals.
• Pure negation cannot sustain a collective will without implicit construction
• Purely international programmatics breed passivity and waiting for others to move
• Puritan ideologies dress up coercion as consent once total pressure succeeds
• Puritanical workplace surveillance serves rationalized production, not mere ideology
• Purity-first party strategy produced near-total political immobilism
• Quantity and quality form an indivisible nexus, not opposed terms
• Racial identity arises as a negative product of oppression
• Rationalized labor discipline requires directing nervous energy away from passion
• Rationalized production requires the elaboration of a new type of man
• Reading Machiavelli as timeless political science distorts his situated meaning
• Real action modifies man and reality while verbal action only creates puppets
• Real equality is experienced associationally and requires consciousness to be real
• Real mass politics unites subaltern spontaneity with conscious leadership
• Real political progress unifies theory with practice and rulers with ruled.
• Reality never conforms to abstract theoretical schemas.
• Redefining intellectuals by social function clashes with caste preconceptions
• Reducing a philosophy to a systematic sociology is naive metaphysics.
• Reducing all ideology to immediate structural causes is primitive infantilism
• Reduction to economics enables creating a new culture
• Reform fails if it does not reach the people as a national educative force
• Reform ideals must move from romantic struggle to rational method.
• Reformist union leadership can constitute a de facto second party against revolution.
• Reforms that claim to activate students actually treat them as passive recipients.
• Refusing to ally with radicalized petty-bourgeois strata delivers them back to the ruling class.
• Refusing workers’ rights of combination broke the Jacobin’s urban support base.
• Refuting an ideology requires attacking its best exponents, not its weakest
• Refuting ideas does not destroy the social forces behind them
• Regime technical efficiency can win admiration abroad for authoritarian states.
• Regimes are analyzed through their social base, not as interchangeable forms
• Regional city-countryside relations shape national political party programmes
• Regional class structure determines the type of intellectual a region produces
• Regional intellectual types mediate different class relations in North and South Italy.
• Rejecting parliamentarianism need not entail rehabilitating bureaucracy
• Religion and common sense cannot form intellectual orders without coercion
• Religion can bind intellectuals and masses only when it originates from the people
• Religion functions as a utopia reconciling real historical contradictions in mythological form
• Religion, State, and party form an indissoluble unity rather than separable priority
• Religions stay strong by preventing a split between intellectuals and lay faithful
• Religious communities endure through organized repetition of apologetics and intellectual hierarchy
• Religious institutions survive by keeping elites and masses doctrinally unified
• Religious reform agendas alienated peasants and undermined revolutionary alliance
• Religious utopianism supplies equality and freedom demands to oppressed strata
• Renaissance rulers borrowed the Church as their cultural apparatus instead of building their own
• Rentier classes accumulate savings through usurious exploitation of underfed peasants
• Reorganising production, not just control, drives deeper state intervention.
• Repetition is the best didactic means for shaping popular mentality
• Representation requires an organic feeling-understanding-knowledge chain linking rulers and ruled into a historical bloc
• Representation requires organic cohesion, not merely formal delegation from masses to leaders
• Reproduction serves an economic function at both societal and family scales
• Reproduction’s economic function operates molecularly within families as units
• Resistance to social change comes from culturally invested groups facing obsolescence
• Revolution imposed from outside fails without support from the local population.
• Revolution requires an organized vanguard party that forms before the crisis peaks
• Revolutionaries under defeat must endure long patient degradation rather than choose heroic death
• Revolutionary clubs were media-centred assemblies held together by a newspaper’s clientele
• Revolutionary consciousness among masses outran organized revolutionary capacity nationwide.
• Revolutionary consciousness requires a precise concept of the State
• Revolutionary councils must represent the whole class, not just organized party members.
• Revolutionary crowds massacred 1200 royalist prisoners blamed for military defeats
• Revolutionary French clubs combined public assemblies with newspapers and inner circles
• Revolutionary leadership must flow upward from class awareness, not downward.
• Revolutionary mass parties can fail insurrection by neglecting alliances with peasants
• Revolutionary movements fail when foreign allies restrain land reform that could win rural support
• Revolutionary parties can be verbally maximalist while unprepared to act
• Revolutionary parties split over whether national conditions or international revolution determine their fate.
• Revolutionary periods produce materialist popular culture while elites cling to spiritualism
• Revolutionary phases produce popular materialism while traditional classes favor philosophies of spirit
• Revolutionary politics requires active intervention in history rather than correct waiting.
• Revolutionary problems transcend national boundaries and require international coordination
• Revolutionary regimes fuse state and civil society to hold national life.
• Revolutionary renewal depends on a country’s internal and international force relations
• Revolutionary rhetoric can galvanize mass imagination without any concrete preparation
• Revolutionary rhetoric can mask active counterrevolutionary alliances
• Revolutionary rhetoric outpaced concrete organizational preparation among socialist leaders.
• Revolutionary strategy shifted from war of movement to war of position after 1870
• Revolutionary strategy unites the moments of force and consent dialectically.
• Revolutionary theory is judged by analyzing internal forces, not predicting dates.
• Revolutionary theory raises the masses culturally while the Church maintains only mechanical unity
• Revolutionary timing is unpredictable, so strategy must hold two perspectives at once.
• Rhetorical action collapses when external support is withdrawn
• Risk-prone expansion drives state intervention beyond mere apparatus preservation
• Rival externally-backed ruling class factions tore Greece apart in 1920
• Rival nationalist bands fought each other while jointly fighting imperial rule
• Robinson Crusoe-style reasoning falsely derives society from an isolated individual
• Rotary Clubs are Freemasonry without petit-bourgeois participants.
• Rough beginnings of a new era surpass an old era’s refined end
• Ruling classes absorb and neutralize subversive movements through transformism
• Ruling classes build parallel private military forces positioned on class frontiers
• Ruling classes can maintain permanent armed forces that work-bound classes cannot match
• Ruling classes mobilize their full reserves before revolutionaries reach power.
• Ruling classes pacify the masses by declaring the promised future already achieved.
• Ruling classes reabsorb slipping control faster than subordinates reorganize
• Ruling-class philosophy subordinates masses without positively transforming their thought
• Ruling-class political blunders are possible and get corrected through successive crises
• Ruling-class unity is forged through the organic ties between State and civil society
• Ruling-class unity rhetoric signals its vulnerability to pressure
• Ruling-class women’s leisure functions as evidence of capitalist social decay
• Rural conflicts turn acute and personal because economic margins are absent
• Rural intellectuals remain traditional, unintegrated into capitalism
• Rural traditional intellectuals mediate peasants and state administration
• Russian Marxists split over whether revolution would yield workers’ or joint-class rule.
• Russian revolutionary factions split over whether a workers’ or cross-class democracy should govern
• Sabotaged resistance crushed proletarian morale so completely that later calls for action failed
• Sartre’s Critique reworked Marxist economism into praxis-language for a new era of revolutionary ferment
• Saussurean linguistics treats langue as code and langage as the messages it generates
• Schematic educational abstractions are actively absorbed and productive
• School and Church dominate institutional cultural production
• School instills state-centered worldview to displace folkloristic traditional conceptions
• School-to-university transition is a rupture, not a graduated passage
• Schooling first levels into dynamic conformism then expands autonomous personality
• Schools serve as the machinery that manufactures differentiated intellectual strata
• Science and action are distinct yet inseparable phases of revolutionary theory.
• Science as creation is political unless it rationally enlarges life
• Science had to destroy traditional good sense to create a new one
• Science is political activity because it transforms what men are
• Scientific advance is driven by intellectual, political, and methodological instruments, not material ones.
• Scientific discovery inescapably implies a transcendent unknown that ties science to politics
• Scientific experiment is the historical origin of united theory and practice
• Scientific management pioneers openly dehumanized manual laborers as interchangeable with animals
• Scientific management reduced the laborer to a beast of burden to be trained.
• Scientific method cannot be transferred wholesale across research fields
• Scientific progress advances mainly through intellectual and political instruments, not material ones
• Scientific progress required expelling religious and classical textual authority
• Scientific theories are superstructures explained by history, not causes of it.
• Scientific theories are superstructures to be explained by society, not causes of it
• Secret conspiracy organizations flourished under the French Restoration from 1815 to 1830
• Secular philosophies failed to construct their own education for children
• Self-criticism becomes performative ritual rather than operative change
• Self-criticism functioned as a disciplinary ritual inside communist parties, not only fascist ones.
• Self-discipline can be externalized by physically constraining oneself
• Self-disciplined, freedom-granting educational systems breed procrastination and teacher overload
• Self-government requires a rentier class with traditional public-affairs experience and mass prestige
• Self-government succeeds where the landed class never fought its population
• Self-sufficient smallholders establish no social bond, only spatial similarity
• Self-understanding is achieved through struggle between opposing hegemonies
• Semantic history is an aspect of cultural history.
• Separate Moderate and Action Party leaderships combined mechanically to unite Italy
• Separating philosophy from history and politics reduces it to metaphysics
• Separation of powers doctrine originated from Montesquieu’s reading of England and shaped modern constitutions
• Serbia failed as a Balkan Piedmont because peasantry became politically awake after 1919
• Severe ideological rifts cannot be cured by pure force, only rearranged
• Sexual ethics reform requires women’s genuine independence and new self-conception first.
• Short-term market conjunctures govern tactics, while durable situations govern strategy.
• Sicilian peasant leagues demanded land redistribution and were brutally crushed
• Sicilian peasant leagues won contract improvements but were brutally crushed when crisis triggered revolt
• Sicilian peasant leagues won land reform then were brutally repressed
• Single-party states displace politics into culture where disputes become insoluble
• Skilled labour monopolies limit unemployment’s wage-depressing effect
• Skilled labour organicity limits competitive wage discipline.
• Slow incremental corporatist reform can transform social structure without violent shocks
• Slow methodical doctrinal change keeps religious unity while satisfying intellectual demands
• So-called anti-individualist critics target wealth appropriation while production is already socialized
• Social being determines consciousness, not the reverse
• Social change unfolds across escalating levels of relations of force
• Social conformism is permanent; what changes is which conformism wins hegemony.
• Social Democracy treated intellectuals as bourgeois refugees supplying theory to workers
• Social democracy was theorized as a bourgeois instrument continuous with fascism.
• Social Democratic analysts diagnosed European fascism’s spread as early as 1928
• Social formations persist while productive forces retain room to advance
• Social norms constitute the subject rather than merely constraining her
• Social orders collapse only after their productive forces are exhausted
• Social orders only die after their productive forces have fully developed
• Social orders persist until their productive forces are fully developed
• Social prediction follows will-driven programs, not natural-science laws.
• Social transformation meets resistance from both subaltern and allied dominant sectors
• Social wholes exceed their components, so social law cannot be physical law
• Socialist relations cannot incubate within capitalism as capitalism did within feudalism.
• Societies only pose problems they can solve, and orders die only when superseded.
• Societies only rise or fall when material conditions make it possible
• Societies only undertake tasks whose material conditions are maturing
• Society exceeds its individual parts through collective labor and division of functions
• Society, through the division of labour, produces more than the sum of its parts.
• Society’s development cannot be explained by physical laws of quantity.
• Society’s laws cannot be physical laws because social aggregates transform quantitatively into quality
• Sociological laws are tautologies duplicating observed facts rather than real causes
• Sociologists may have outpaced political scientists in voting-behavior research
• Sociology attempts an exact positivist science of social facts
• Sociology derives from vulgar evolutionism and cannot grasp the dialectical principle
• Sociology emerged as political science declined under positivist theories
• Sociology is a positivist science of social facts, a philosophy in embryo
• Sole reliance on the working class distinguished the liberal antifascist position from Marxism
• Some Bordiga followers believed certain leaders stood above party discipline
• Some dogmatism in basic instruction is practically indispensable
• Sorel anticipated philosophy of praxis as a popular reformation but remained an elitist.
• Sorel stopped at the trade union and never reached the political party
• Southern autonomy campaigns voiced latent popular sentiment suppressed by unitarianism
• Southern Italian ideology was shaped by land hunger, emigration suffering, and settler colonialism.
• Southern Italian rentier ownership extracts surplus from a malnourished peasantry
• Southern Italy’s union with the North was framed as a revocable contract
• Southern urban forces derived strength from representing Northern urban prestige
• Soviet labour militarisation failed against Trade Union opposition after the Civil War
• Spanish colonial rule fossilized clergy and military as Latin America’s traditional intellectuals.
• Spatial categories like East and West are real yet historically constructed, not natural.
• Specialized philosophical jargon widens the divide between high culture and the popular masses.
• Spirit is a historical result of superstructure unification, not a starting point
• Spirit is an achievement of unification, not a starting point
• Splitting praxis into sociology and metaphysics erases the dialectic.
• Spoken questions are answered through shared tacit frames, not literal content
• Spontaneity marks subaltern classes that lack class-for-itself consciousness
• Spontaneous attraction to liberal ideology destabilized the Papacy in Italy.
• Spontaneous insurrection outpaced organized socialist leadership in Turin 1917
• Spontaneous mass uprising and elite conspiracy combined in the Sicilian Vespers
• Spontaneous mass uprising without organized revolutionary leadership invites state suppression
• Spontaneous mass working-class revolt drives previously apolitical middle strata toward reaction.
• Spontaneous subaltern movements usually enable regressive rather than progressive outcomes
• Spontaneous Turin insurrection lacked effective socialist organization and fell in four days.
• Spontaneous worker struggle produces only trade-union consciousness, never socialist theory.
• Stalin and Bukharin barred Comintern discussion of the Russian succession struggle
• Stalin identified two liquidationist dangers and a nationalist one in the Russian Party
• Starting a national history after its revolution silently erases the struggle that formed it
• State coercive power stands ready for moments when spontaneous consent fails
• State connivance drove fascism’s rise from marginal to mass scale
• State financial policy can eliminate rentier classes as a precondition of industrialisation
• State grants of citizenship created Rome’s imperial intellectual bureaucracy
• State intervention must extend from preserving to reorganizing the productive apparatus.
• State investment intermediation arises as savers flee private risk.
• State language unification fails to erase regional mother tongues
• State offers of co-partnership bait reformist labor leaders into ending occupations.
• State pensions enabled retirement in the forties while workers toiled past sixty-five
• State power always rests on the doubled forces of force and consent.
• State prestige can substitute for a class’s missing intellectual and moral authority
• State spirit means acting in solidarity with past and future generations
• State-led reform and national wars dominate the formation of modern states
• States claim belated basic improvements as merit and prestige
• States use law to shape a specific type of citizen and civilization
• Statesmen often exaggerate international constraints for party reasons rather than national ones
• Statistical laws apply to politics only while masses remain passive
• Statistical laws in politics presuppose mass passivity (actual or presumed).
• Statolatry must be criticised so civil society becomes self-governing and spontaneous
• Strategic preparation can let quantitatively inferior forces defeat stronger enemies
• Strategic preparation neutralizes unplanned reactions of passive populations
• Structure and superstructure form a unified historical bloc.
• Structure-superstructure relations must be posed precisely for historical analysis.
• Student self-directed scheduling causes work to cluster at month’s end, undermining educational seriousness
• Study is a physically and mentally tiring apprenticeship
• Studying a worldview’s origin requires philological reconstruction and identifying discarded provisional elements.
• Studying an unsystematized worldview requires philological reconstruction of its stable core
• Studying collective will requires tracing its formation, not its effects
• Subaltern classes lack unity until they achieve statehood, hence history of subalternity
• Subaltern forces resist rationalization intended to serve dominant interests.
• Subaltern groups lack state power and cannot exercise hegemony over society
• Subaltern history must be studied through six ascending formation phases
• Subaltern history traces development toward full autonomy
• Subaltern movements contain conscious leadership without a dominant, stratum-transcending element
• Subaltern transition from passive thing to active historical protagonist changes their responsibility
• Subjugated peoples cannot wait on the hegemon’s permission to organize militarily
• Subordinate classes gain self-awareness only by negation of the enemy
• Successful insurrection must prevent the expelled power from staging a counter-offensive.
• Successful insurrection requires lengthy ideological preparation beforehand
• Successful popular revolution requires long prior ideological preparation, not just armed insurrection
• Suffering obscured from view is as necessary to history as heroic action.
• Supremacy requires both domination and intellectual-moral leadership
• Sustained scepticism is self-contradictory because participation in debate assumes conviction
• Syndicalist gradualism assumes economic gains can outlast capitalist state power
• Tacit forms of parliamentarism persist where explicit ones are abolished
• Tactics must remain flexible while preserving an unchanging revolutionary identity.
• Taylorism deliberately breaks up skilled workers’ psycho-physical nexus
• Taylorized management treats the workforce as a single fragile machine
• Teachers must consciously impose their culture against pupils’ home culture
• Technical civilisation’s new hero is restrained mastery, not liberation
• Technique includes mental and philosophical instruments, not just industrial science
• Terminology confusion reveals an anti-dialectical, dogmatic cast of mind
• Territorial dispersal blocks a landed stratum from political centralization
• Territorial dispersal leaves landed strata ideologically volatile and slow to organize
• Textbook dogmatism is impossible for doctrines still in development
• The ‘German proletariat as heir of classical philosophy’ claim originates with Engels, not Marx
• The ‘materialist’ label largely misrepresents the actual founding of Marx’s philosophy
• The ‘nightwatchman’ expression for the liberal State was coined by Lassalle.
• The 1917 events marked a turning point in political science.
• The 1917 intransigent faction rejected the bourgeois conception of the nation
• The 1917 October Revolution taught Italian socialists two distinct lessons
• The 1920 factory occupations were a defensive employer-imposed confrontation
• The 1923 Gentile reform was the first major Italian education overhaul since unification.
• The Action Party failed because it had no organic government programme for the peasantry.
• The Action Party substituted a principled abstraction for a concrete political terrain
• The actualist State-as-superior-entity theory reduces individuals to abstractions
• The Albertine Statute established Piedmont’s constitutional monarchy and later governed unified Italy
• The American ruling class historically shared a vocation of work with workers
• The Bank of Naples came to control Il Mattino in 1928.
• The Bolshevik revolution was greeted by some Marxists as refuting deterministic Marxism
• The Bourbon repression destroyed the last consensual foundation of Neapolitan rule.
• The Calvinist doctrine of predestination paradoxically unleashed expansive individual initiative.
• The Catholic Church condemned Modernism in 1907 for engaging modern science and sociology
• The Catholic church maintained ideological unity by keeping intellectuals and masses doctrinally joined
• The Catholic church monopolized cultural direction with penal sanctions
• The Centre captured ninety percent of the Italian party in eighteen months
• The Centre faction consolidated control by absorbing rivals over several years
• The Church absorbed heretical challenges by co-opting individual intellectuals, not popular movements
• The Church healed elite-mass splits through reabsorbed popular movements.
• The Church inherited Rome’s monopoly over cultural direction with penal enforcement.
• The Church opposed infant schooling for its liberal ideology and clerical-monopoly threat
• The Comintern adopted a dual perspective allowing either revolution or labourism.
• The Comintern rejected offensive theory in favor of winning mass support
• The Comintern’s 1924 left turn stemmed from Soviet inner-party battles, not European events.
• The Comintern’s dual perspective allowed for both slow and imminent revolution
• The Comintern’s united front aimed to win a working-class majority
• The Comintern’s united front policy sought working-class majority through common action with reformists
• The Communist Party’s 1930 left turn destroyed its leadership and underground network
• The concept of charisma originated with Rudolf Sohm, not Max Weber
• The concept of praxis travelled into a protofascist philosophy of the pure act
• The crisis of progress is a crisis of its standard bearers, not the idea
• The defeated 1922 general strike crushed proletarian morale before Mussolini’s march.
• The dialectic only functions when philosophy of praxis stands as an integral philosophy.
• The Dreyfus affair demonstrates intra-bloc resistance to reactionary Caesarism
• The early PCI leadership treated fascism as secondary to the social-democratic threat
• The East-West distinction reflects European cultural hegemony accepted worldwide.
• The ethical State concept was borrowed by fascism from Croce
• The ethical State is the State that claims to educate citizens morally.
• The exploited South generated its own reaction against northern extraction
• The falling rate of profit forces capitalists to intensify labor exploitation
• The fascist regime isolated Gramsci through chained transfers and planted agents
• The fascist regime staged Gramsci’s trial as exemplary political punishment
• The French Enlightenment was a popular reformation that grounded the nation
• The French Enlightenment was a popular secular reformation embracing the peasant masses
• The French republic’s supposed alliance with struggling peoples was actually alliance with counterrevolution.
• The future is unknowable by definition, so prediction is only practical action.
• The gap between elite and popular beliefs varies systematically across religious traditions
• The historical bloc unifies structure and superstructure as a circle of distincts
• The human is a historical point of arrival, not a given starting point.
• The hundred cities term names a class-split urban pattern in latifundia zones
• The idea of endless ethical progress is unjustifiable because improvement is individual
• The idea of extra-human objectivity is a leftover of the concept of God
• The idea of God derives from our need for an absolute unobserved observer
• The idea of progress was born when society gained rational control over nature
• The infant PCI was a mostly working-class party with a tiny intellectual layer
• The intellectual category is a class myth; intellectuals divide into traditional and organic
• The Italian Communist leadership gravely underestimated fascism’s significance for years
• The Italian Communist Party clashed with the Comintern long before the united front policy
• The Italian Communist Party endured semi-legality with constant suppression in 1923.
• The Italian Communist Party formed only after revolutionary mass struggle had already been defeated.
• The Italian Communist Party formed only after the revolutionary wave collapsed
• The Italian communist party remained small during the 1924 elections
• The Italian Communist Party was overwhelmingly working-class with almost no intellectual membership
• The Italian Communist Party was tiny relative to the masses it aimed to lead
• The Italian left never resolved the party-union relation before the factory occupations.
• The Italian term sindacalismo conflates syndicalism and trade-unionism, shaping Gramsci’s category.
• The Jacobin Supreme Being cult was the first root of the modern lay State.
• The Jacobins created the modern French nation by winning rural hegemony.
• The Jacobins represented future needs of groups not yet fully part of the nation
• The label lazzaronismo encoded ruling-class contempt for Naples’ sub-proletariat
• The latent dream is a fantasy-satisfaction, not merely a disguised desire
• The Left faction dominated the PCI apparatus despite refusing leadership posts
• The Lombard aristocracy still oriented its deference toward Austrian rule
• The masses hold a contradictory consciousness that can produce political passivity
• The meaning of ‘middle class’ varies by national political history
• The meaning of social class terms shifts with each nation’s history
• The mere promise of passive revolution manufactures hope that reinforces ruling-class hegemony.
• The minimal night-watchman state may be the only conception transcending economic-corporate consciousness
• The minimal State alone may transcend merely economic-corporate politics.
• The modern prince is the political party, not a person.
• The modern Prince must organise both moral reform and collective will
• The monitorial school diffused authority and obedience throughout the whole body without loss
• The national-popular is a cultural historic bloc between mass and national aspirations, not populism
• The national-popular is a cultural historic bloc mediated by intellectuals, not populism
• The objective level of productive forces grounds which ideologies are practicable in a society
• The October Revolution taught militants party discipline while masses learned Soviet power
• The old humanistic school formed character by absorbing the entire cultural past
• The Ordine Nuovo factory council group disintegrated politically by mid-1920
• The original meaning of ideology was the science of how ideas derive from sensations
• The overall balance of forces imposes the form of war
• The party Centre hostility toward the reformist Right matched its hostility to the Left
• The party deadlock drove Gramsci toward a new centre majority
• The party functions as the proletariat’s organic intellectuals
• The PCI was founded by split from the socialists at Livorno
• The PCI’s founding policy treated fascism as secondary to social democracy within bourgeois rule
• The philosophy of praxis alone offers a consistently immanentist worldview
• The philosophy of praxis began as scattered aphorisms encoding a full worldview
• The philosophy of praxis needs practical research canons, not just theoretical doctrine
• The philosophy of praxis originates as materialism perfected by and fused with humanism.
• The phrase ‘historic mission’ has teleological origins
• The political moment must always prevail over the military in strategy
• The political party, not an individual, is the modern protagonist of political transformation
• The political-animal doctrine has deep Italian philosophical roots
• The Popular Party founded in 1919 re-emerged after fascism as Christian Democracy
• The post-1918 order parallels the post-Napoleonic era as a passive revolution
• The present realizes what was essential in the past
• The Prince substitutes for divinity and the categorical imperative
• The Prince synthesized foreign statecraft Italy lacked the forces to enact
• The Prison Notebooks comprise thirty-three fragmented, partially revised notebooks.
• The prison notebooks were a deliberate strategy against political self-abandonment
• The professional philosopher differs by knowing thought’s entire history
• The PSI’s abstentionist wartime policy opened the social space later filled by fascism.
• The PSI’s anti-resistance stance helped disarm the left before fascism.
• The PSI’s non-resistance posture led it to sign a pacification pact with fascists
• The PSI’s revolutionary rhetoric masked an absence of concrete revolutionary preparation
• The revolutionary-democratic dictatorship slogan resurfaced in later debates over Poland and China
• The rights declarations replaced historical rights with rights deduced from human nature.
• The Risorgimento proved Neo-Guelph papal federation illusory
• The Roman Republic and Venice resisted Austrian forces for months after Piedmont’s defeat.
• The ruler-ruled division reproduces inside every group, including homogeneous ones
• The rural poor split into day-labourers and property-owning smallholders with opposed interests
• The Russian proletariat invented the State of the Councils from its own class experience.
• The Russian Revolution’s example galvanized Turin workers to insurrectionary action.
• The same avant-garde movement can play opposite political roles in different countries
• The science of instruments is historically tied to production and technology
• The scope of political analysis determines whether change seems possible
• The shift from frontal attack to positional war is postwar political theory’s central problem
• The short-lived Roman Republic fell to French siege in 1849.
• The Spanish pejorative lazzaronismo labeled Naples’ urban poor monarchist and lazy
• The state actively educates and organizes the consent it governs by
• The state educates populations by shaping customs beyond formal legal sanction.
• The State evolves from government to nightwatchman to regulated society
• The State includes private hegemonic apparatuses, not just government
• The state includes the private apparatus of hegemony beyond government
• The State is an equilibrium between coercive political society and hegemonic civil society
• The state is an equilibrium of coercion and consent run through civil society
• The State is defined by ruling-class activity that secures the consent of the ruled
• The State is domination plus the active consent of the ruled
• The state lacks a unitary worldview, scattering intellectuals across strata
• The state must act as an educator, not merely a punisher of danger
• The state operates as both civil and political society
• The State-led dominant group blocks reform in regions it only holds by domination
• The state’s coercive arm withers as civil society expands within it.
• The state’s connivance and elite funding transformed fascism from marginal to mass.
• The State’s dominant group presents its interests as universal rather than corporate.
• The state’s educative aim is shaping new types of humanity fit for production
• The strategy of permanent revolution lost efficacy after 1870-71.
• The subjectivist conception only gains truth when reinterpreted through the concept of superstructures.
• The Supercountry-Supercity literary polemic masked deeper class conflict
• The technical hero embodies disciplined study rather than liberation
• The term ‘ideology’ conflates necessary superstructure with arbitrary individual fancies
• The term sciences once meant any organized branch of human knowledge.
• The theory-practice unity question runs through every philosophy of history.
• The totalitarian party absorbs the Crown’s arbitration function and poses as impartial State
• The true philosopher is the active political actor who transforms social relations.
• The Turin strike failed from lack of national coordination, not from state force.
• The united front aimed to win workers over by engaging reformist leaders
• The united front from below contradicted the tactic’s premise of winning the working-class majority
• The united front tactic presumed gaining majority working-class support precedes revolution
• The united front tactic sought working-class majority through engaging reformists
• The United States remains stuck in an economic-corporate phase lacking cultural hegemony
• The Vatican sponsored outward-facing political parties rather than internal Church reform
• The vote only measures the persuasive power of active minorities, not equal individual opinions
• The word quality in production means labour-heavy luxury specialization
• The word science narrowed its meaning after the industrial revolution
• The world’s unity is material and shown through accumulated inquiry
• Theorists can borrow rival concepts and redefine them within their own framework.
• Theory and practice unite through a critical act that accelerates historical transformation.
• Theory develops unevenly, paced by practical necessities rather than its own logic
• Theory must translate reality rather than force reality into abstract schemas.
• Theory of history is possible despite the uniqueness of historical facts
• Theory-practice unity develops historically from an instinctive sense of difference
• This selection is incomplete because the paragraph was truncated in the source.
• Thought is proper to every person, unlike specialized scientific skills.
• Thought requires active engagement with a modifying cultural environment to be real
• Tolstoy took the subjectivist conception of reality to literal physical experiment.
• Total labour mobilization requires unions to become organs of coercion over workers.
• Totalitarian parties absorb the Crown’s arbitrating function.
• Totalitarian regimes replace external opposition with enforced internal self-surveillance.
• Tracing a thinker’s sources can wrongly deny their originality
• Tracing how Marxism got absorbed into other philosophies requires delicate analysis of hidden connections.
• Traditional intellectuals can retain political dominance through an independent economic base
• Traditional intellectuals trace their origins to slavery and freedmen in the Roman Empire.
• Transforming concrete political questions into abstract principles guarantees political failure.
• Transformism absorbed opposition elites into the ruling bloc
• Transformism operates by absorbing individuals first, then entire opposition groups
• Transformism organically absorbed revolutionary personnel into the Italian ruling class
• Trasformismo is a historical form of passive revolution
• Treating a research principle as a historical cause explains nothing.
• Treating certain expressions as inherently beautiful is a philosophical error.
• Treating social quality as an entity is an arbitrary hypostasis in idealism and religion
• Treating society as naturally evolutionary impoverished the concept of the State
• Treating statistical laws as necessary in politics leads to catastrophic practical errors
• Treating technical instruments as the base generates absurd structure-superstructure category confusions
• Trotsky argued a harder conquest yields a safer post-revolutionary state
• Trotsky framed state labour control as union-enforced military discipline
• Trotsky held that a harder revolutionary struggle yields firmer post-victory power
• Trotsky opposed the revolutionary offensive in both military and political spheres
• Trotsky’s dismissal of Labriola reflected German intellectual influence
• Trotsky’s Eastern-Western front comparison lacked practical directives.
• Trotsky’s permanent revolution theory broke from both Menshevik and Bolshevik positions
• Trotsky’s program to industrialize through external coercion was destined to end in Bonapartism
• True democracy requires that every citizen can potentially govern
• True political representation requires organic cohesion between rulers and ruled
• Truth for critical theory is historically conditioned, not timeless.
• Turin professors first connected Gramsci to socialist thought.
• Turin’s August 1917 uprising cost fifty lives and a thousand arrests.
• Turin’s militant proletariat proved a natural class ally for Southern peasants
• Turin’s strikes convinced Gramsci workers could ally with southern peasants
• Turin’s strikes escalated from economic to political insurrection by 1917
• Turin’s textile women workers led the 1917 wave of industrial struggles
• Turin’s wartime industrialization transformed it into Europe’s leading FIAT production center
• Two distinct leaderships collaborating mechanically produced Italian unification’s success
• Typologies reduce analytic effort and predictive uncertainty about political actors.
• Uncritical worldviews are mechanically imposed by one’s social environment
• Uncritical worldviews make a single personality a composite of many historical layers
• Under dictatorship insurrection becomes the only channel for mass political expression.
• Understanding party leadership change requires internal history, not just external pressure
• Unintended consequences of private passion can form durable social institutions
• Union-party coordination operates through freely chosen leadership, not formal subordination
• Unique historical facts can still support a theory of history and politics
• Units of economics, philosophy, and politics each center on a man-nature contradiction
• Universal education requires the state to replace family, making formation public
• Universal moral maxims serve a cosmopolitan intellectual stratum’s civilizing project
• Universal techniques exist only as incarnated in concrete individual acts
• Universal truths are effective only when expressed in concrete situations’ language.
• University study methods grant students freedom at the cost of personal connection to teachers
• Unknown primary texts require unemended editions because editors distort authorial intent
• Unknown reality is a relative historical condition, not a metaphysical unknowable
• Unled spontaneous revolts invite reactionary counter-movements and coups
• Unorganized metalworkers outmilitated a collaborationist union leadership
• Upper-class nonconformity to work ethics blocks disciplining the masses.
• Urban and rural population types are not homogeneous or schematically opposed
• Urban-rural relations drive the fundamental motor forces of national history
• Urbanist and ruralist cultural movements were two faces of fascist imperialism
• Urbanites unite ideologically against the peasantry across class lines
• US Prohibition failed due to resistance from marginal backward forces
• US unions defended craft privilege rather than posing the hegemonic question.
• Using a lingua franca does not erode the speakers’ own cultural identity
• Using outmoded thought for present problems makes one a walking anachronism
• Vague ideological slogans can mask rather than resolve real political contradictions
• Valid literary judgment requires knowing the work’s historical context
• Vico distinguished empirical certainty from rational truth in law
• Vico distinguished the merely certain from the rationally true in law.
• Vico held that providence converts private passions into civil institutions behind men’s backs
• Violently interrupting the institutional repetition of a worldview can destroy it
• Vocational schooling advocated as democratic actually crystallises class differences
• Voluntarism degenerates into false heroism when detached from organic social blocs.
• Volunteer paramilitary squads against fascism emerged outside official left parties.
• Volunteer squads alone could not match fascist violence backed by the state
• Volunteer squads could not defeat fascism because the state backed it.
• Volunteer vanguard action masks rather than replaces mass political passivity
• Vote oscillation across election levels reveals a party’s cadre deficiencies.
• Wage-ceiling law alienated workers from the Jacobins
• War is the continuation of policy that demands permanent political organization.
• War of position analysis does not apply to colonies and backward states
• War of position replaced war of movement as politics after the 1921 setback
• War of position replaced war of movement in modern democratic politics
• War of position requires unprecedented concentration of hegemony and interventionist government
• War of position suits stable equilibrium when frontal attack is impossible
• War service gave officers-intellectuals leadership detaching peasants from landowner blocs
• War-time hegemony can be lost to subordinates at the peace table
• Wars against multi-ethnic empires should aim at internal dissolution, not territorial conquest
• Wartime sexual coercion created a postwar moral crisis driven by demographic imbalance
• Weak local forces can succeed when international conditions favor them
• Weak parties produce cultural squalor and apolitical elites
• Weak parties yield a bureaucracy that becomes a political party in its own right
• Western communist parties read the post-1921 revolutionary ebb as temporary
• Western states rest on strong civil society while Russia’s state stood alone
• What appears objective social necessity is only a transitory phase of class rule
• What matters politically is that passive revolution generates hope enough to reinforce hegemony.
• Widely sincerely-held revolutionary slogans can still be historically concrete
• Widening intellectual training to new classes faces unprecedented adaptive difficulties
• Willed self-correction can be carried out in bad faith, working and refusing simultaneously
• Without coercion, virtue becomes hypocritical and crisis turns permanent
• Without false belief in totality no one would act to create history
• Women comprised forty percent of Turin’s industrial working class
• Words shift meaning across historical periods and individual authors
• Work discipline internalized by the worker beats external imposition
• Workers championed industrial modernity before industrialists co-opted the movement
• Workplace puritanism protects workers from physiological collapse under rationalized labor
• World War I disintegrated ruling hegemony apparatuses across all states
• World War I enormously strengthened and concentrated Italian industrial capital
• Worldviews require permanent organized repetition or they decay
• Writing the history of absorbed concepts means writing the full history of modern culture
• Yet the notebooks must be read whole to resist partisan interpretation of Gramsci