Saher Selod — Forever Suspect_ Racialized Surveillance of Muslim Americans in the War on Terror

567 published claims from this book.

• A Chicago suburb changed zoning law to block five pending mosque applications
• A child was blamed for the Oklahoma City bombing at age twelve
• A citizen can trigger state surveillance of a Muslim simply by reporting them
• A hijab alone triggers assumptions of foreignness, low occupational status, and female oppression
• A hijab-wearing Palestinian doctor was physically attacked in the Boston bombing aftermath
• A hijab-wearing woman’s daily life is governed by family fear of attacks
• A light-skinned Muslim doctor’s hostility emerges only when his Muslim name is revealed.
• A mayor’s anti-sharia politics influenced teachers’ treatment of a Muslim student
• A misheard cell phone phrase led to a hijab-wearing passenger’s removal and body search.
• A Muslim family was removed from a flight for requesting a booster seat
• A Muslim name alone can trigger state surveillance regardless of citizenship
• A Muslim name triggers suspicion even for those who no longer identify as Muslim
• A Muslim woman’s hijab alone rendered her suspect on a domestic flight
• A passenger’s complaint caused six imams to be removed from a US Airways flight
• A private citizen’s report of a hijabi woman mailing clothes triggered a police follow-up
• A private citizen’s suspicion can trigger a state surveillance response via license plate tracking.
• A professor’s casual joke can publicly stigmatize a Muslim student as a terrorist
• A professor’s joke stigmatized a Muslim student he held power over
• A religious identity coded as non-white could legally bar naturalization.
• A religious identity once legally determined South Asian eligibility for whiteness.
• A self-perpetuating surveillance industry depends on racializing Muslims as terrorist threats.
• A single event dissolved a long-standing neighborly relationship into expulsion
• A surveillance society only becomes complete when those surveilled begin to self-surveil.
• A ten-year-old child internalized the terrorist label as her identity
• African American Muslims experience racialized religion differently due to distinct history
• Airline accommodation of passenger racism signals Muslims are unworthy of protection
• Airline accommodation of racist seatmate requests normalizes anti-Muslim fear.
• Airline agents conduct random-name interrogations yet deny their targeting when challenged
• Airlines accommodate passenger racism, normalizing fear of Muslims
• Airlines accommodating seatmate-bias complaints normalize Muslim threat fears and racialize travelers
• Airlines feed passenger data to TSA for automated watchlist matching before boarding
• Airport hypersurveillance forces Muslims into DuBoisian double consciousness
• Airport profiling of Muslims is systemic and state-institutionalized rather than random
• Airport profiling targets all Muslims, not just Arabs or specific nationalities
• Airport profiling targets Muslims as a religious class, not any specific nationality
• Airport security lists flag citizens without giving any stated reason
• Airport surveillance differentially targets men via lists and hijab-wearing women via physical searches
• Airport surveillance does not reduce terrorism but builds racial hierarchies
• Airport surveillance of Muslims requires participation from the state, private citizens, and Muslims themselves
• Airport surveillance publicly signals to the population that Muslims are potential terrorists
• Airport watchlist scrutiny falls primarily on Muslim men rather than women
• Airports allocate the privilege of unexamined travel along racialized lines
• Airports function as a panopticon where Muslims must prove loyalty to avoid discipline.
• Airports function as Foucault’s panopticon for Muslim Americans
• Airports function as panopticons where Muslim Americans self-police ordinary behaviors.
• Almost no interviewed Muslim Americans openly resisted their profiling
• Ambiguous watchlist notifications leave Muslim men in chronic uncertainty about why they are watched
• American media’s Middle East coverage produced racialized Arab stereotypes.
• American Muslims are racially diverse and often identify as white or Asian
• American patients openly demand that hijab-wearing women abandon the hijab to be American
• Anti-mosque sentiment reflects anxiety about Muslim bodies being physically close to whites
• Anti-Muslim backlash made Muslim Americans avoid eye contact in public
• Anti-Muslim harassment drives children to internalize the terrorist label
• Anti-Muslim harassment targets phenotypic and visual cues, racializing the faith
• Anti-Muslim jokes are dismissed as non-racist yet mark bodies as terror suspects
• Anti-Muslim jokes racialize Muslim bodies and mark them as untrusted
• Anti-Muslim measures replicate legal precedent for Japanese American internment
• Anti-Muslim racialization is bipartisan and flourished under the Obama administration
• Anti-Muslim racialization is bipartisan, thriving under both Democratic and Republican presidents
• Anti-Muslim racialization is pervasive and not limited to white Southern Republicans
• Anti-Muslim sentiment operates independently of local political ideology
• Anti-Muslim sentiment persists regardless of local political ideology.
• Anti-Muslim sentiment spans opposing political groups, not just white conservatives
• Anti-Muslim surveillance drew no protest when framed as anti-terrorism
• Anti-Muslim surveillance is bipartisan rather than partisan
• Anti-sharia campaigns exploit fabricated fears to gain political support
• Anti-sharia panic manufactures political support while Muslims pose no such threat
• Arab activists fear census data could enable state surveillance
• Arab and Muslim Americans are forced to perform loyalty and apologize for others’ acts
• Arab and South Asian identities have been conflated with Islam
• Arab Christians can be racialized out of whiteness by phenotype and origin
• Arab migration to Chicago came in ethnic waves of merchants then refugees and professionals
• Arabs achieved economic success yet still lost whiteness through foreign-policy racialization
• Arabs and Iranians experience racism while being officially classified as white
• Arabs classified as white lose that status upon wearing the hijab
• Arabs gained whiteness-status in 1943 while Muslims generally remained excluded because Islam signified non-whiteness.
• Arabs were classified white for citizenship so they could be distinguished from ineligible Asians
• Arabs were legally classified as white in 1943 to distinguish them from ineligible Asians.
• Arabs’ citizenship eligibility flip-flopped because courts inconsistently defined whiteness
• Ayaan Hirsi Ali is classified as an anti-Muslim extremist by the SPLC
• Beauty standards operate as gatekeepers of American citizenship and whiteness.
• Because religious symbols are gendered, their racialization differs by sex
• Being added to the TSA list triggered overwhelming humiliation and rage.
• Being on a watchlist forces travelers to endure interrogations and pat-downs before flying
• Being treated as a collective denies Muslims the privileges of citizenship.
• Black hijabs are read as morbid while plain black clothing is fashionable
• Black mothers are criminalized for parenting choices white mothers are celebrated for
• Blackness is a social location, not actual skin pigmentation
• Border agents read a Muslim traveler’s private journals during a search
• Border agents read Muslim travelers’ journals purely because of religious identity
• Bystander silence legitimizes racial hostility toward Muslims in workplaces
• Children as young as twelve are placed on flight watchlists
• Citizen surveillance targets hijab-wearing women publicly but men privately as suspected terrorists
• Citizens conflate Muslim nationalities so South Asians get slurred as Arab
• Citizens fear surveillance could lead to detention and deportation
• Citizens surveil hijabi women for supposedly violating American values
• Citizenship depends on community recognition, not just legal status
• Citizenship in America has historically been tied to whiteness and Christianity
• Citizenship is an invisible privilege felt keenly only when it is withheld.
• Citizenship itself is racialized, protecting some citizens while criminalizing Muslim Americans.
• Citizenship status does not protect Muslim Americans from state surveillance.
• Citizenship status does not shield Muslim Americans from suspicion
• Civil rights groups argue CVE perpetuates Muslim stereotypes rather than preventing extremism
• Civil-liberties-versus-security framing normalizes sacrificing minority rights.
• Claimed randomness of searches masks racial profiling and silences complaints.
• Claimed randomness of searches silences Muslim complaints about racial injustice
• Claims of random searches function to dismiss racial injustice complaints
• Class position drives Muslim organizations’ assimilationist, race-averse strategy
• Class privilege and government service did not shield Muslims from surveillance.
• Class privilege does not shield Muslim Americans from racialized surveillance
• Class privilege does not shield Muslim travelers from airport surveillance
• Class privilege fails to shield Muslim Americans from racialized surveillance.
• College is where many Muslim youth adopt a stronger religious identity
• Colonial feminism used saving Muslim women to justify imperialism
• Complete surveillance requires those watched to begin monitoring themselves.
• Converting to Islam causes white people to be reracialized as non-white
• Converting to Islam did not shield African Americans from racial classification
• Converting to Islam or wearing the hijab causes loss of whiteness privileges
• Courts disagreed across jurisdictions about whether Arabs were white
• Courts legitimize treating an entire religious community as suspicious
• Covert framing, not policy substance, determined public protests
• Covert policies couched as counterterrorism provoked no protest while overt anti-Muslim rhetoric did.
• Crises trigger public targeting of darker-skinned men mistaken for Muslims
• Cultural and political shifts can racialize religious identity
• Cultural and religious practices become racialized markers treated as inherent traits.
• Cultural and religious practices can racialize a body just as skin tone does
• Cultural attributes can be racialized even when skin tone matches whiteness
• Cultural difference is racialized into immutable grounds for excluding Muslims from citizenship
• Cultural practices become racialized when they are essentialized as innate to Muslims
• Cultural racism substitutes cultural difference for biological difference as a racial logic
• Cultural racism substitutes cultural traits for biological ones in racializing groups.
• Cultural stereotypes about race and gender directly reduced welfare provision
• Cultural traits like language, clothing, and religious practice can racialize a group.
• Customer complaints can make Muslim employees suspect and untrustworthy at work
• Dearborn, Michigan tops U.S. cities for watchlist denizens and is a Muslim hub
• Democratic health depends on citizens’ ability to participate in public debate
• Different migration motives divide Arab from South Asian Muslim communities in the U.S.
• Different racial classifications converge through shared religious identity
• Domestic violence history predicts violence better than Muslim identity does.
• Dominant ideology recruits the dominated by neutralizing rival ideologies’ antagonism
• Each Muslim-perpetrated terror attack makes Muslim Americans brace for backlash
• Each terrorist attack resets Muslims into heightened suspicion and surveillance
• Each terrorist attack triggers renewed citizen anger and state surveillance against Muslims.
• Early American courts inconsistently classified Syrians as white for citizenship.
• Early US immigration law racialized South Asians more harshly than Arabs.
• Economic privilege fails to secure full citizenship privileges for racialized Muslims
• Ethnic endogamy persists among South Asian Muslims despite a shared Muslim identity
• Ethnic segregation persists among Muslim Americans despite unified racialization
• European terror attacks justify US proposals to ban and intern Muslims
• Even high-ranking Muslim American officials were surveilled without criminal cause
• Even Muslim civil rights organizations are surveilled and discredited by the state
• Even Muslim civil rights organizations are surveilled, leaving Muslims without recourse
• Even secular, non-practicing Muslim professionals face surveillance based on name alone
• Even watchlisted Muslims face additional appearance-based profiling
• Everyday harassment from strangers makes Muslim American children internalize illegitimacy
• Everyday interrogations strip Muslim Americans of felt citizenship and belonging
• External surveillance becomes internalized and self-imposed discipline on women’s bodies.
• External surveillance becomes internalized as self-imposed bodily discipline
• External surveillance becomes internalized self-discipline through dress choices
• Family members pressure hijabi women to remove the hijab out of fear
• FBI surveillance of Muslim Americans falls disproportionately on men.
• Fear makes Muslim men pressure wives to remove the hijab, inverting the stereotype
• Fear of surveillance made Muslim men refuse research participation more than gender norms
• Fear of unpredictable surveillance makes Muslim Americans surveil themselves, disempowering them.
• Fear of violence after terror attacks places hijab-wearing women under house arrest.
• Fear of violence pressures hijab-wearing women to change their dress, even from protective family.
• First-class loyalty status does not exempt Muslim flyers from screening
• Foreign terrorism kills vanishingly few Americans relative to other risks
• Frequent Muslim travelers preemptively comply with airport procedures yet still face extra screening
• Gender predicts distinct surveillance types for Muslim Americans in airports.
• Gender shapes both how Muslims are racialized and how they respond
• Gender shapes how Muslim racialization manifests in violence and state scrutiny
• Gendered surveillance watches women for cultural transgression and men for terror.
• Government watchlists target Muslim men for extra airport security
• Hate crimes against Muslims spike after every terrorist attack.
• He then quotes a Palestinian fighter in Afghanistan to show his definition of jihad holy war against the West and violence against ‘Jews and infidels.’ Such a simplistic and superficial definition…
• Her interview base was 48 Muslim Americans, mostly South Asian and native-born
• Hijab converts white-passing women into racialized outsiders
• Hijab pat-downs are performative security that vilifies while appearing protective
• Hijab searches are performative security rituals, not genuine threat checks.
• Hijab-wearers and mosques both symbolize Islam’s threat and face violence
• Hijab-wearing American women are seen as both oppressed and dangerous
• Hijab-wearing Muslim women feel they must act as poster children for all Muslims
• Hijab-wearing Muslim women must repeatedly justify their dress as compatible with American values
• Hijab-wearing Muslim women self-surveil under scrutiny while claiming agency through it
• Hijab-wearing travelers refuse removal requests and trigger agent ambivalence about the practice
• Hijab-wearing women are caught between self-surveillance and resistance.
• Hijab-wearing women are denied individual identity and reduced to collective stereotypes
• Hijab-wearing women face repeated TSA body searches at airport security.
• Hijab-wearing women must perform confidence to cancel stereotypes.
• Hijab-wearing women self-impose house arrest out of safety fear
• Hijab-wearing women’s bodies are treated as symbols of Islam’s threat and targeted accordingly.
• Hijabi Muslim women internalize surveillance by self-regulating behavior in public
• Hijabi women alter their hijab color to avoid the racializing gaze
• Hostile stares function as a form of surveillance discipline on hijab-wearing women
• Hypersurveillance disempowers Muslim American men and suppresses their voting
• Hypersurveillance itself is the mechanism that racializes Muslim Americans
• Hypersurveillance racializes Muslim identity producing a double consciousness
• Hypersurveilled Muslims may avoid medical and financial institutions entirely
• Hypersurveilled Muslims may withdraw from medical and financial institutions to avoid surveillance
• Hypersurveilled Muslims withdraw from institutions they fear may watch them
• Identical parenting choices are criminalized for Black mothers but celebrated for white ones
• Identity-based profiling violates the Fourth Amendment and fails to prevent attacks
• Imperial feminism framed Western intervention as rescuing Muslim women from Muslim men
• In Egypt and Morocco, hijab wearing signals class and expands women’s mobility
• In the period studied, hijabi women bore more stranger harassment than Muslim men
• Interview data predates widespread full-body scanner deployment in airports
• Invisible minority describes Arabs marginalized though classified as white by the census
• Islam was not associated with whiteness, blocking Muslim naturalization
• Islam-terror association embedded in national security laws changed Muslims’ experiences
• Islamophobia is increasingly theorized as a form of racism rather than mere religious prejudice
• Just as conversions aren’t causing massive demographic shifts, jihadists aren’t causing massive numbers of terror attacks on Western soil. Therefore, it seems clear that Western fears of both…
• Legal rulings and post-attack rhetoric normalize suspicion of all Muslims.
• Lewis argued Islam inherently tends toward fundamentalist violence.
• Lewis attributed Muslim brutality to a defect in Islamic religious culture itself.
• Liberal inclusive language still frames Muslims only as terror informants
• Light-skinned Arabs are socially white until a visible marker reveals their faith
• Light-skinned Muslims can pass as white and escape airport profiling
• Lighter skin and Christian identity secured citizenship privileges that darker or Muslim Arabs lacked
• Lighter skin and Westernized names let some Muslims pass as white
• Listed Muslim travelers are routinely pulled for pat-downs at airport checkpoints
• Mailings from Muslims can trigger FBI home visits based on civilian reports.
• Mainstream appeals for tolerance signaled an impending anti-Muslim backlash
• Majorities of Americans approved of Muslim surveillance even while holding positive views of Islam.
• Majorities of Americans endorsed profiling Muslims even while viewing Islam favorably
• Mass shootings by non-Muslims produce no surveillance, while innocent Muslims do
• Mass surveillance based on racial stereotypes weakens democracy without preventing terrorism.
• Media narratives mark Muslims as bodies that require surveilling
• Men are surveilled on name and appearance rather than cultural display
• Most American Muslims condemn extremism and are satisfied with life in America
• Most Americans accept unjust profiling to prevent terrorism.
• Most Muslim Americans respond to airport surveillance with self-discipline rather than resistance
• Most US mosques are ethnically diverse yet dominated by a single ethnic group
• Motherhood extends into unpaid anti-racism labor for Muslim American women
• Muslim American attitudes toward homosexuality are liberalizing over time
• Muslim American attitudes toward same-sex marriage have liberalized since 2007
• Muslim American experiences refute the postracial Obama-era claim of colorblindness
• Muslim American men are losing model-minority racial privileges
• Muslim American men feared interviewing because hypersurveillance made them distrust strangers
• Muslim American men self-silence politically out of fear of surveillance
• Muslim American surveillance contradicts postracial and colorblind claims
• Muslim American women volunteer to prove their worthiness as citizens
• Muslim Americans alter their behavior to preemptively prove their loyalty
• Muslim Americans are excluded from full citizenship through surveillance and monitoring
• Muslim Americans are racialized even when visibly white, so racialization must include cultural traits
• Muslim Americans face a patriotism litmus test to claim American identity
• Muslim Americans face intrusive religious-practice questioning that white peers do not
• Muslim Americans move closer to the racial hierarchy’s bottom without reaching it
• Muslim Americans must prove patriotic loyalty before being accepted as American
• Muslim Arabs move away from whiteness regardless of actual skin tone
• Muslim bodies are treated as potential terrorists until proven otherwise
• Muslim communities remain ethnically endogamous despite shared religious identity
• Muslim employees anglicize their names because employers fear losing business
• Muslim identity alone justifies state surveillance without any criminal record
• Muslim identity ejects Arab Americans from legal whiteness and its social benefits.
• Muslim identity ejects Arabs from whiteness and strips them of its material benefits
• Muslim identity gets racialized through names and clothing, not only skin tone
• Muslim identity overrides American citizenship in airport profiling
• Muslim identity overrides American citizenship status at the border.
• Muslim identity stripped South Asian men of their model-minority racial privilege
• Muslim identity today sits at the boundary between rehabilitating ethnicity and fixed race
• Muslim men are placed on TSA lists based on name similarity to suspected terrorists.
• Muslim men avoided study participation out of fear of surveillance, not gender norms
• Muslim men can be racialized by ethnicity alone, not only by disclosed religion
• Muslim men escape stranger harassment but women in hijabs do not
• Muslim men respond to surveillance by suppressing visible markers rather than counter-narratives
• Muslim men self-censor politically because state surveillance targets them, unlike women watched by strangers
• Muslim men self-censor to avoid being associated with terrorism.
• Muslim men self-silence in public to avoid being classified as terrorists.
• Muslim men sometimes pressed women to remove the hijab for safety
• Muslim men sought to hide religious identity while Muslim women resisted removal
• Muslim men’s invisibility as Muslims breeds fear of association with terrorism
• Muslim microaggressions stem from state policies that racialize them
• Muslim names alone can racialize phenotypically white people
• Muslim outreach equated American and Muslim moral values
• Muslim passengers are marked on their tickets with four Ss without knowing it
• Muslim racialization is structural and persists with political utility
• Muslim religious identity becomes a racial category through surveillance.
• Muslim surveillance thrived under the Obama administration
• Muslim terrorist identity is gendered, targeting men while rendering women vulnerable
• Muslim travelers believe security agents manipulate the metal detector to justify searches
• Muslim women alter dress and demeanor to counter surveillance-based stereotypes.
• Muslim women alter their dress in response to fellow citizens’ surveillance, not male oppression
• Muslim women are racialized as threats to values while men as threats to security
• Muslim women are surveilled for cultural transgression while men are watched for terror potential
• Muslim women bear a second shift of childcare and housework despite employment
• Muslim women carry the burden of dismantling racialized myths through daily behavior
• Muslim women manage their hijab’s color to prevent racialization of their bodies.
• Muslim women perform their behavior and dress as self-discipline enacted by surveillance
• Muslim women resist oppression narratives through the deliberate choice of colorful hijabs.
• Muslim women travelers were rarely put on watchlists compared to men
• Muslim women treat public behavior as a duty to represent Islam favorably.
• Muslim women’s black hijabs are judged by stricter standards than non-Muslims’ black clothing
• Muslim women’s volunteering is gendered resistance to citizen-level racism
• Muslim youth claim a Muslim-first identity partly to justify interreligious marriages
• Muslim-identifiable job candidates receive fewer callbacks than Christian-named ones
• Muslim-name profiling is racial, not religious, discrimination
• Muslims are about one percent of the US population but growing fast
• Muslims are only one percent of the US population yet face disproportionate anxiety
• Muslims are presumed terrorists until interrogation proves otherwise
• Muslims born and raised in America are seen as outsiders first
• Muslims cannot speak or act freely because state and passengers monitor them.
• Muslims experience stress as a result of their racialization, like African Americans
• Muslims fear mundane political talk triggers guilt-by-association with terrorism
• Muslims in the US are ordinary citizens who mirror the general population
• Muslims move down the racial hierarchy rather than becoming a new race
• Muslims must prove extraordinary patriotism before they can claim American identity
• Name-based false positives trap innocent travelers in indefinite heightened security
• Named Muslim men on the Selectee List endure stacked layers of airport checks
• National security laws built against Communism were repurposed for terrorism
• National-security surveillance drives Muslim Americans’ alienation from national identity
• Neighbors surveilled a Muslim family’s home and joked about bomb-making
• No US religious community endures such simultaneous embrace and surveillance
• NSA surveillance targets people solely because of Muslim heritage
• NSEERS targeted men from Muslim-majority nations for fingerprinting and registration.
• NSEERS targeted men from Muslim-majority nations regardless of actual terror risk
• NSEERS targeted men from Muslim-majority nations while ignoring Western countries with known terrorists
• Official mass shooting statistics are unreliable because of police underreporting
• Ordinary citizens are recruited by the state to surveil Muslim Americans
• Ordinary citizens report Muslims for mundane acts like mailing a package
• Ordinary errands became conscious acts of reclaiming American citizenship
• Ordinary fashion choices become racial markers on hijabi bodies
• Orientalism’s gendered images legitimized Western colonialism of Muslim lands.
• Orientalist paintings sexualized and humiliated women to justify Western rescue narratives
• Orientalist scholarship directly shaped US interventionist foreign policy
• Orientalist scholarship justified colonization by depicting Muslim men as innately abusive
• Over 40 percent of terrorist watchlist names have no terrorist group affiliation
• Over forty percent of Terrorist Screening Database names lack any terror group affiliation.
• Palestinian migrants uniquely cited political turmoil as their migration reason
• Patriot Act language echoes statutes that enabled Japanese internment
• PATRIOT Act language revived the legal framework used to intern Japanese Americans
• People marked as suspects continuously calculate how their bodies are perceived.
• Perceived anti-Muslim policies drove Muslim Americans from Republican to Democratic
• Perceived surveillance pressure drives Muslims to preemptively perform anti-terror condemnation
• Political speech by Palestinian immigrants triggers FBI surveillance regardless of views
• Post-1965 Muslim immigrants accessed civil-rights protections that Black Americans were historically denied
• Post-1965 South Asian and Arab immigrants enjoyed class privileges that African Americans were denied
• Postwar geopolitics shifted US immigration policy toward selective inclusion
• Practical objections to mosques often mask anti-Muslim sentiment.
• Preemptive compliance with airport security does not reduce Muslim travelers’ extra screening
• Private citizens conflate Islam with the Middle East, erasing Muslim ethnic diversity
• Private citizens hold state-like power to report Muslims for punishment
• Private citizens surveil hijab-wearing women and challenge their American identity
• Private citizens surveil hijabi women and recast their dress as un-American
• Private citizens surveil Muslim religious practice as a threat to American values.
• Private citizens surveil Muslim women for cultural transgression and men for security threats
• Private citizens’ discriminatory acts get reinforced by state security policies
• Private citizens’ hostility confines hijab-wearing women to self-imposed house arrest.
• Private citizens’ surveillance creates gendered exclusion of Muslims from public space
• Private-citizen surveillance of Muslims is gendered in its forms and justifications.
• Professional Muslim men are disbelieved about their American citizenship and feel alienated
• Professors can publicly stigmatize Muslim students without fear of challenge
• Profiled men misattribute list-based surveillance to their own appearance or behavior
• Profiling drives some Muslim travelers to abandon air travel entirely
• Public outrage at Muslim surveillance emerged only with Trump’s campaign rhetoric
• Race has always gated participation in American democratic discourse
• Race has always gated who participates in American public discourse
• Race in America must be understood as involving religion and immigrant groups
• Racial battle fatigue describes the psychological toll of constant racial microaggressions
• Racial battle fatigue is a defined syndrome with physical symptoms
• Racial profiling extends to religious signifiers like Muslim names and clothing.
• Racial profiling violates the Fourth Amendment yet is institutionalized by the state
• Racialization can proceed from cultural traits without any phenotypic difference
• Racialization denies Muslim Americans the individuality that American citizenship requires
• Racialization mutates with the power interests that institutionalize it, not fixed phenotypes.
• Racialization of Muslims operates through daily citizen interactions, not only state action.
• Racialization operates through cultural traits and social interactions, not only physical cues.
• Racialization shifts with the political interests of those in power
• Racialized group surveillance weakens democracy and expands state power
• Racialized Muslim women perform emotional labor to dismantle stereotypes of their religion
• Racialized religious signifiers trigger hostile surveillance interactions with state and citizens
• Racialized surveillance denies Muslim Americans the individuality citizenship requires.
• Racialized surveillance drives black hyperincarceration despite equal crime rates
• Racialized surveillance gets internalized by Muslim American children as self-discipline
• Racialized surveillance itself strips Muslims of substantive citizenship
• Racializing Muslims as threats sustains a surveillance state with gendered effects
• Racism functions as practices that ascribe and legitimate social positions
• Racism’s victims include ordinary law-abiding Muslim Americans, not just minorities
• Reagan’s war on terrorism established the preemptive warfare doctrine Bush later used.
• Religion alone can racialize even phenotypically White groups as inferior
• Religious cultural practices get read as evidence of Muslim men’s misogyny rather than doctrine.
• Religious identity can be racialized when signifiers trigger profiling
• Religious identity racializes Arab and South Asian Muslims along shared lines
• Religious identity replaced ethnicity as the marker making Muslim Americans seen as anti-American
• Religious practices get reframed as security threats justifying citizen surveillance
• Removing the hijab is framed as an act befitting American citizenship.
• Removing the hijab lets Muslim women regain individual identity and escape racialized scrutiny
• Removing the hijab restored women’s ability to pass for white
• Saying the word Allah on a plane triggered detention of six imams
• Saying the word Allah on an airplane can get passengers handcuffed and interrogated.
• Scholars and states reduce terrorism to psychological and theological radicalization
• Searched Muslims perceive airport stops as deliberate, not random, and the certainty wounds them.
• Secrecy about surveillance lists creates chronic uncertainty and vulnerability for Muslim citizens
• Selectee List status forces repeated physical searches and questioning on every flight
• Selectee List status imposes layered redundant security checks on Muslim men.
• Sending a package to Pakistan triggered an FBI home visit
• Sikhs are consistently mislabeled as Muslims and targeted by Islamophobia
• Skin color alone can trigger terrorist suspicion independently of known Muslim identity
• Skin tone confers material economic benefits through racial capital
• Snowden leaks proved surveillance targets religious identity regardless of class or government service
• Socioeconomic status does not protect Muslims from racialization during war
• Socioeconomic status still shapes integration even under racialized Muslim identity
• Some hijab-wearing women resist surveillance by reclaiming public space
• Some watchlisted men shrug off profiling as expected inconvenience
• South Asian racial classification has been fluid and contested in the US.
• South Asians were classified as white by the U.S. Census before the 1980s
• Spouses are surveilled together even though gender shapes typical airport surveillance types
• State campaigns formally deputize ordinary citizens to surveil Muslims
• State hypersurveillance disempowers Muslim men and lowers their political participation
• State policies and individual citizen actions jointly maintain Muslims’ racialized surveillance
• State profiling legitimizes citizens reporting Muslims for speaking Arabic or wearing hijab
• State profiling legitimizes fellow passengers to report Muslims as suspicious
• State surveillance campaigns recruit citizens while refusing to define suspicious behavior.
• State surveillance jointly documents citizens and is justified by racialized religious identity
• State surveillance made private terrorist jokes feel dangerous and silenced Muslim men
• State surveillance of Muslims persists despite agents knowing complaints lack merit
• State surveillance policies intensify rather than suppress Muslim religious identity
• State surveillance policies push Muslims to strengthen a targeted identity
• State surveillance targets religious identity rather than class or political loyalty
• State-fostered fear racializes Muslim bodies and strips Muslim Americans of American identity
• State-perpetuated fear racializes Muslim bodies as terrorist enemies
• Structural utility, not ignorance, sustains Muslim racialization.
• Surveillance burdens hijab-wearing Muslim women with stress and eroded individuality
• Surveillance causes Muslims to discipline their own behavior preemptively
• Surveillance controls populations chiefly through internalized self-policing
• Surveillance derives from country-of-origin priority lists that racialize Muslim identity
• Surveillance fear makes Muslims internalize discipline and self-police
• Surveillance is not colorblind and varies by race, religion, and gender
• Surveillance is racialized and produces hyperincarceration and system avoidance in marginalized groups.
• Surveillance is reproduced horizontally as Muslims police one another too
• Surveillance justified by religious identity constitutes racialization of Muslims
• Surveillance leads Muslims to police their own actions and dress
• Surveillance makes citizens feel citizenship confers no protection
• Surveillance makes Muslim Americans police their own behavior to avoid scrutiny
• Surveillance makes Muslim men strategically perform loyalty to manage others’ suspicions
• Surveillance of men can sweep their female relatives into interrogation
• Surveillance of whole populations weakens democracy while failing to prevent terror
• Surveillance operates differently on Muslim men and women through distinct mechanisms
• Surveillance pressure makes Muslim men erase rather than transform their identity
• Surveillance pressure to represent an entire collective erodes hijabi women’s individuality
• Surveillance pushed Afia to self-exclude to shield her sons’ confidence
• Surveillance racializes Muslims by casting them as threats rather than protected citizens.
• Surveillance requires a racialized threatening body to justify its existence
• Surveillance targets a Muslim name, not religious belief, making it racial discrimination
• Surveillance targets Muslim Americans based on religious identity regardless of citizenship
• Surveillance targets Muslim names even when individuals no longer hold Muslim beliefs
• Surveillance targets Muslim women’s veils and Muslim men’s suspected terrorism
• Surveillance-driven racialization produces measurable physical and psychological stress in Muslim Americans
• Surveillance-induced self-censorship strips Muslim men of citizenship’s rights
• Surveilled Muslim Americans internalize the state gaze through self-censure and modified dress
• Surveilled Muslim citizens feel citizenship offers no protection from detention
• Surveilled Muslim immigrants still assert loyalty to American citizenship
• Surveilled Muslim women respond through a mix of self-surveillance and resistance.
• Syrian Christians won nominal whiteness yet were never treated as fully white
• Technology-based surveillance reproduces rather than removes racial bias
• Technology-based surveillance sorts people socially rather than reducing bias.
• Terrorism became a defined category through expert construction and federal funding
• Terrorism declined while mass shootings rose, yet only Muslims faced surveillance
• Terrorism experts constructed the category linking Islam to irrational terror
• Terrorists’ shared religion triggered profiling despite differing national origins
• The ‘oppressed Muslim woman’ label itself operates as a form of oppression
• The “good Muslim” defense confirms that Muslim is the default-bad category in America.
• The 1965 Immigration Act opened US borders to over 600,000 Arab migrants.
• The 1965 Immigration Act turned religion into a salient identity marker for Muslim migrants
• The 1996 welfare reform law grew from stereotypes of black women abusing the system.
• The anti-Park 51 campaign is a Southern Poverty Law Center-classified hate group
• The Arab stereotype in cinema morphed from harem-keeping greed to the Muslim terrorist
• The association of Islam with terror was structured into national security laws
• The CVE program uniquely recruits Muslims as security-state agents.
• The federal state actively recruits Muslims and social workers to self-police for extremism
• The gaze excluded Maham from national mourning and implicated her in the attack
• The gaze restricts Muslim Americans’ mobility and civic participation.
• The government actively recruits Muslim Americans to police their own communities for extremism.
• The hijab functions as a racial marker that triggers airport surveillance
• The hijab functions as a racializing agent by marking wearers outside American beauty norms.
• The hijab functions like skin tone by marking bodies as racial others
• The hijab functions like skin tone in racializing Muslim women’s bodies.
• The hijab makes Muslim women visible targets of displaced anti-terror anger
• The hijab marks Muslim women instantly and provokes hostile public encounters
• The hijab overrides white-passing skin privilege to trigger surveillance
• The hijab overrides whiteness as a racializing agent on any wearer.
• The hijab rather than skin tone triggers racializing surveillance of Muslim women
• The hijab signals foreignness so strongly it overrides ethnicity and skin tone
• The hijab triggers routine airport surveillance more reliably than skin tone alone.
• The hijab triggers routine searches while skin tone only does in crises
• The hijab, not skin color, triggers citizen surveillance of Muslim American women.
• The legal machinery enabling Japanese-American internment remains in force today
• The liberties-versus-security binary justifies sacrificing out-group rights
• The more religious a Muslim appears, the less American they are perceived to be
• The Muslim ban’s seven countries shared only Muslim-majority status
• The NSI institutionalizes citizen participation in racialized surveillance of Muslims
• The NYPD surveilled Muslim communities across a one-hundred-mile radius
• The oppressor stereotype itself oppresses hijab-wearing women.
• The Patriot Act criminalizes mere association with terrorism, not just acts
• The PATRIOT Act extends terrorism liability beyond actual offenders
• The sample design could separate race-based from religion-based discrimination experiences
• The Selectee List turns airports into racialized surveillance terrain.
• The skin functions as the governing signifier of racial states
• The SPOT behavioral screening program cost nearly a billion dollars with little terror prevention.
• The state authorizes citizens to racially profile Muslims under national security
• The state’s terrorist image is constructed as Muslim and male.
• The statistical odds of dying in a foreign terror attack are minuscule
• The Stop Islamization of America group was federally classified as a hate group
• The study sampled 48 mostly professional, citizen Muslim Americans across Chicago and Texas
• The surveillance gaze denies Muslim Americans the psychological privileges of citizenship
• The surveillance industry depends on racialized Muslim bodies to stay funded
• The surveillance industry needs racialized Muslim bodies to justify its funding
• The surveillance industry’s need for targets drives the racialization of Muslim bodies
• The Terrorist Screening Database’s inclusion criteria are secret and skew toward Arab names
• The US government surveils Muslim civil rights organizations meant to protect Muslim liberties
• The USA PATRIOT Act produced the surveillance society that made Muslim bodies constantly monitored
• The War on Terror racialized Muslim bodies to justify their surveillance
• The War on Terror shifted Muslim Americans down the racial hierarchy away from whiteness
• The War on Terror targets a religiously defined region, making hijab-wearing women stateless foreigners
• The watchlist database skews heavily toward Arab and Muslim Americans.
• The welfare queen stereotype drove cuts to social services harming black women
• Theoretical choices about race determine which political strategies appear valid
• Treating all Muslims as suspect constitutes cultural racism by homogenization
• TSA agents profile hijab-wearing Muslim women based on racial cues, not watchlists.
• TSA agents themselves disclosed watchlist status to Muslim passengers
• TSA screening behaviors are so vague they justify any targeted stop.
• TSA screening of Muslim travelers has escalated into chemical swabbing and head pat-downs
• TSA Selectee List status subjects Muslim men to repeated layers of airport interrogation
• TSA surveillance targets citizens regardless of religiosity, profession, or travel habits
• TSA suspicious-behavior criteria are so vague anyone qualifies but only some are stopped
• TSA terror databases hold about one hundred thousand to one million names
• TSA website language shifts with presidential administration
• TSA’s nine-hundred-million-dollar profiling program yielded no proven security benefit
• TSA’s suspicious-behavior checklist includes yawning and throat clearing yet only Muslims get stopped
• U.S. Census classification of Arabs as white no longer matches lived experience.
• U.S. Cold War arming of extremists enabled the Taliban’s rise
• U.S. terrorist screening lists hold roughly 100,000 to one million names
• Undisclosed watchlist status keeps citizens in permanent uncertainty and vulnerability
• Unpredictable surveillance produces self-surveillance and disempowerment in its targets
• Unveiled light-skinned Muslim women evade airport racial profiling
• US Cold War aid armed the extremist groups that later became the Taliban
• US Cold War arms policy directly aided the rise of the Taliban
• US Cold War policy armed the very Taliban it later blamed
• US courts issued conflicting rulings on Syrian legal Whiteness within five years
• US surveillance systematically targets select bodies using racial cues
• US terrorist attacks declined sharply from 1970 to 2011
• Vague ‘suspicious behavior’ guidance leads citizens to profile by appearance
• Vague state anti-terror cues make citizens rely on stereotypes to profile Muslims
• Victorian feminism was weaponized to justify colonial rule over Muslim societies
• Visible Muslim markers override public displays of patriotism for women
• Visible religious practice gets read as potential for radicalization
• Visible religious signifiers, not watchlists, trigger women’s airport profiling
• Volunteering gives Muslim women a sense of agency while silenced
• War on Terror oppression of Muslims parallels War on Drugs targeting of African Americans
• Wearing the hijab is read as surrendering whiteness and citizenship standing
• Wearing the hijab made a passing-white woman feel minority for the first time
• Wearing the hijab shifts how Muslim women are racially perceived and treated
• Wearing the hijab strips Arab women of their perceived whiteness
• Wearing the hijab triggers the perpetual-interrogation question of where one is from
• Wearing the hijab, not skin tone, triggers routine airport stops and searches.
• Western scholarship constructed the East as savage to justify imperial conquest.
• Whether one gets stopped depends on identity, not actual behavior
• White supremacist violence kills nearly as many Americans as Muslim terrorism.
• White supremacists adopt camouflage symbols to pass in mainstream workplaces
• Whiteness links beauty with citizenship and uncontested belonging.
• Whiteness was defined through exclusion of non-black immigrant groups too.
• Women alter dress to escape the citizen gaze, not male oppression
• Women’s direct airport surveillance happened mainly when accompanied by Muslim men
• Women’s dress expresses social stance but is still constrained within the established order
• Young Arab Americans claim Muslim-first identity partly as a marriage tactic
• Young Muslim men are repeatedly randomly selected for searches when flying
• Zoning laws were rewritten to block mosque construction after multiple applications