Khaled A. Beydoun — The New Crusades_ Islamophobia and the Global War on Muslims

Yield

738 of 1836 paragraphs kept (40.2%). Target for mining: 30%–50% — on target.

Pre-Assessment

Khaled A. Beydoun is a law professor (Wayne State University) and scholar of constitutional law, civil rights, and Islamophobia; The New Crusades (2018) is a well-regarded academic-adjacent trade book, though I can’t independently verify full publication/citation details from memory. Given your mining stance and the stated purpose — extracting national case studies (India, China, France, US and beyond) and the shared, transnationally-learned logic linking them — this book will yield a significant conceptual/framework payload (Islamophobia as a coordinated global system rather than parochial American phenomenon) alongside a respectable body of factual case material. Expect heavier on synthesis and argument than on fine-grained data; it’s strongest for your guiding questions about cross-state learning and shared logics, but you’ll be pulling analytically rather than inventorying statistics.

Reading Goal

Prioritizing: Factual Claims (Reader needs concrete national cases and documentary evidence across countries.), Causal Relationships (Reader asks what shared logic links the cases and how states learn from each other.), Connection Points (Reader explicitly reads alongside Iftikhar for the global-synthesis view and cross-linkage.) De-prioritizing: Definitional Content (Definitions matter only insofar as they frame the global condition; secondary to cases.), Craft and Method (Reader seeks global-synthesis content, not the author’s writing technique.), Inspiration and Speculation (Reader wants structured comparative evidence, not open speculation.)

Thesis

Anti-Muslim sentiment is a pervasive mood and policy · ch. 0

Argument

  1. Anti-essentialist CRT theory naturally enabled examining Islamophobia as racism — ch. 3
  2. Islamophobia’s impact varies radically by race, gender, and host nation — ch. 3
  3. US imperialism abroad and domestic counterterrorism form one interconnected racial system — ch. 3
  4. Arab and Muslim law students after 2001 experienced state criminalization paralleling Blackness — ch. 3
  5. Islamophobia operates differently depending on gender and national context — ch. 3
  6. Beydoun’s work fuses US racial justice with global Islamophobia analysis — ch. 3
  7. Legal academia offers a platform to expose how law constructs Islamophobia as natural — ch. 3
  8. Government type and location shape how Islamophobia targets Muslims — ch. 3
  9. Islamophobia’s impacts fall hardest on marginal and multiply-vulnerable victims — ch. 3
  10. Growing up alongside Iraqi refugees shaped Beydoun’s activist approach to the War on Terror — ch. 3
  11. The term Islamophobia was refined through scholarly theorizing tied to law — ch. 3
  12. American civic monuments signal belonging only to whites — ch. 4
  13. State corruption inflicts terror comparable to acts blamed on Muslims — ch. 4
  14. Islamophobia operates as an existential state affecting nearly 2 billion Muslims globally — ch. 4
  15. Islamophobia functions as an existential threat that forces Muslims to conceal faith — ch. 4
  16. France’s 2004 Hijab Ban is the most recognizable form of structural Islamophobia — ch. 4
  17. A networked empire of distinct anti-Muslim crusades has replaced a single national campaign. — ch. 4
  18. Terrorism is not uniquely Islamic but often stems from state negligence and empire. — ch. 4
  19. Pandemic lockdowns enabled connecting with otherwise unreachable global informants — ch. 4
  20. The same national monuments are menacing to Muslims who are their targets — ch. 4
  21. The American War on Terror facilitated China’s persecution of Uyghur Muslims — ch. 4
  22. Non-Muslim disasters still get read through Islamophobic suspicion — ch. 4
  23. Shared liminal identity builds trust that reveals suffering invisible to media — ch. 4
  24. Diaspora testimony reveals cases suppressed by authoritarian regimes like China — ch. 4
  25. White supremacy in Australia and New Zealand drives political Islamophobia in both settler states — ch. 4
  26. Anti-Muslim crusades are political and cultural wars, not religious ones — ch. 4
  27. Islamophobic populism is spearheaded by strongmen like Modi and Trump worldwide — ch. 4
  28. Academic literature on Islamophobia erases Muslims’ lived experience and flattens them into stereotypes — ch. 4
  29. Islamophobia’s felt experience resists capture in academic definitions — ch. 4
  30. Huntington’s clash-of-civilizations thesis gave the terror war a crusade framing — ch. 4
  31. Scholarly definitions of Islamophobia cannot capture its lived, irrational experience — ch. 4
  32. US counterterrorism operations reached even remote aid missions in the Horn of Africa. — ch. 4
  33. Islamophobia became a globally networked condition spread across states — ch. 4
  34. The presumption of Muslim terrorism shapes both state discrimination and Muslim response — ch. 4
  35. The War on Terror functions as an imperial project spreading Islamophobia globally — ch. 4
  36. Diaspora testimony reveals Islamophobic persecution hidden by Chinese digital censorship — ch. 4
  37. The Beirut port explosion was blamed on Muslims though caused by negligence. — ch. 4
  38. The War on Terror created a global shared Muslim anticipatory trauma. — ch. 4
  39. The War on Terror reconfigured individual Muslim and American identity itself. — ch. 4
  40. The War on Terror fragmented into connected systems of global Muslim subordination — ch. 4
  41. Islamophobia traps Muslims between state-sponsored and popular violence — ch. 4
  42. The American War on Terror supplied other states a template for persecuting Muslims. — ch. 4
  43. Personal Muslim identity gives the researcher privileged access to global Muslim testimony — ch. 4
  44. The War on Terror exported Muslim-suspicion doctrine that nations adapted locally — ch. 4
  45. Global anti-Muslim campaigns are intensifying and multiplying over time. — ch. 4
  46. Living under the War on Terror permanently rewired Muslim-American identity. — ch. 4
  47. Policing Muslim women’s bodies is the primary target of Islamophobia — ch. 4
  48. Crusades imagery was redeployed to recast Muslims as the West’s timeless enemies — ch. 4
  49. Colonial borders trapped Somali nomads who predated modern nation-states. — ch. 5
  50. Subaltern prayer and music function as rebellion against the European frame of history — ch. 5
  51. Wajir residents frame dawn prayer as defiance of the oppressive sun — ch. 5
  52. Populist nativism drives concrete denial of Muslim futures across societies — ch. 5
  53. Somali nomads settled northeastern Kenya well before colonial borders were drawn — ch. 5
  54. Pandemic-era Islamophobia sustained and extended preexisting anti-Muslim campaigns — ch. 5
  55. US agents in Wajir read the refugee population as radicals rather than victims — ch. 5
  56. Kenyan frontier mosques are modest structures unlike Gulf opulence — ch. 5
  57. American counterterrorism doctrine traveled to distant Muslim regions as empire — ch. 5
  58. Counterterror surveillance operates identically at home and abroad — ch. 5
  59. The War on Terror deliberately deepens civilizational divides rather than repairing them — ch. 5
  60. Al-Shabaab operates as an East African affiliate of Al-Qaeda — ch. 5
  61. Islamophobia descends directly from Orientalism’s civilizational divide between Islam and the West — ch. 5
  62. Islamophobia reduces diverse Muslim individuals to a blanket presumption of terror suspicion — ch. 5
  63. The American War on Terror escalated into mass internment and ethnic cleansing abroad — ch. 5
  64. Islamophobia functions as a more potent global weapon than military force — ch. 5
  65. American agents believed Muslim character is readable from civilizational texts — ch. 5
  66. Al-Shabaab attacks colored how US agents perceived Muslim humanitarian workers in Wajir — ch. 5
  67. The War on Terror mutated differently in each host country — ch. 5
  68. Wajir’s mosque is a modest makeshift structure unlike Gulf Arab opulence — ch. 5
  69. Washington’s counterterror philosophy presumes Muslims are predisposed to extremism — ch. 5
  70. Poverty and circumstance can strip children of innocence before adolescence. — ch. 5
  71. Radicalization theory reduces all Muslims to presumptive terrorists — ch. 5
  72. Nonverbal communication can convey a message more clearly than speech — ch. 5
  73. For many Muslim children, survival itself is an everyday crusade — ch. 5
  74. Hosseini’s line about Afghanistan applies equally to drought-hit Somali children — ch. 5
  75. The coronavirus pandemic spawned distinctive new Islamophobic practices worldwide — ch. 5
  76. The freedom-fighter versus terrorist distinction is intensely racial — ch. 5
  77. Older Kenyan Somali refugees went blind from years of sun exposure selling produce — ch. 5
  78. War on Terror surveillance methods extend identically from American cities to African towns — ch. 5
  79. Trump exploited rather than created anti-Muslim sentiment built by fifteen years of war — ch. 6
  80. Official denial of a phenomenon enables that phenomenon to expand unchecked — ch. 6
  81. National-security language for mass roundups debuted against Japanese Americans — ch. 6
  82. Nations capitulated to the US ultimatum by arming against their own Muslims — ch. 6
  83. The US War on Terror gave other nations a sanctioned template for suppressing Muslims — ch. 6
  84. The War on Terror recycled pre-existing Orientalist academic discourse into state violence — ch. 6
  85. Fox News functions as the leading platform broadcasting state anti-Muslim rhetoric — ch. 6
  86. Said and Crenshaw lectured at UCLA in the early 2000s. — ch. 6
  87. NAFTA job offshoring removed working-class employment options in Michigan — ch. 6
  88. Obama’s drone campaign killed civilians in five Muslim-majority countries — ch. 6
  89. Islamophobic speech draws less social reprimand than other bigoted expressions — ch. 6
  90. Western self-definition required Islam as a constructed other — ch. 6
  91. War on Terror rhetoric recycled internment-era terms like enemy alien — ch. 6
  92. American law invented Blackness as a legal category to justify slavery — ch. 6
  93. Hitchens pivoted right by channeling Islamophobia into liberal atheism. — ch. 6
  94. A targeted individual can refuse to let a provocateur define their identity — ch. 6
  95. Globalized offshoring of auto jobs trapped white working-class Midwesterners without alternatives — ch. 6
  96. Globalization exported auto jobs and gutted the white working-class American Dream — ch. 6
  97. Mass shootings targeting Muslims constitute the private dimension of Islamophobia — ch. 6
  98. Diaspora Muslims have shaped how anti-Western thought is globalized. — ch. 6
  99. Arab Detroit was one of the most heavily surveilled cities in America. — ch. 6
  100. Iraq war veterans and Iraqi refugees share parallel trauma burdens — ch. 6
  101. The American War on Terror normalized pervasive state surveillance well beyond Orwell’s imaginings — ch. 6
  102. The three-dimension framework only fully captures Islamophobia when grounded in lived national cases — ch. 6
  103. Revenge, not facts, redirected the War on Terror toward all of Islam — ch. 6
  104. Liberal framing and accessibility make Islamophobic punditry persuasive across the spectrum — ch. 6
  105. Economic precarity and pandemic hardship pushed working-class Muslims toward military enlistment — ch. 6
  106. National security and civilization slogans act as proxies for protecting white wealth. — ch. 6
  107. Iraqi Shias faced persecution from Saddam and US forces alike — ch. 6
  108. Bush framed the War on Terror as a global civilization-vs-Islam ultimatum — ch. 6
  109. Islamophobia causes real, visible human suffering. — ch. 6
  110. The War on Terror surveilled and classified Muslims into state-approved or suspect categories — ch. 6
  111. Imperial discourse changes enemies rather than merely destroying them — ch. 6
  112. The War on Terror’s toll is borne by displaced civilian survivors — ch. 6
  113. Private Islamophobia comprises vigilante violence by ordinary people against Muslims — ch. 6
  114. Anti-Islam rhetoric gained legitimacy by wrapping itself in liberal values. — ch. 6
  115. Rich nations’ wars kill and shatter their own poor soldiers too — ch. 6
  116. Liberals weaponized atheism to rationalize anti-Muslim war backing — ch. 6
  117. Metropolitan Detroit’s racial segregation makes nearby towns feel like distant worlds — ch. 6
  118. Islam was reframed as a rival political civilization to justify imperial violence — ch. 6
  119. War veterans often return physically intact but psychologically shattered — ch. 6
  120. Obama continued the War on Terror with rhetoric rather than swords — ch. 6
  121. Each successive president advanced rather than curtailed the War on Terror — ch. 6
  122. Dismissing Islamophobia as a myth unites right-wing and left-wing pundits — ch. 6
  123. War on Terror conditioning produced the demand Trump satisfied — ch. 6
  124. Islamophobia spans the American political spectrum. — ch. 6
  125. The War on Terror trained people to see extremism as exclusive to Islam — ch. 6
  126. The War on Terror was deliberately marketed globally from its start — ch. 6
  127. Irish immigrants achieved whiteness through work on Detroit’s assembly lines — ch. 6
  128. Obama’s conciliatory rhetoric masked continued drone and surveillance warfare — ch. 6
  129. The United States exported War on Terror ideology for other nations to reproduce — ch. 6
  130. Contemporary state violence redraws Muslim-majority borders much as colonial agreements once did — ch. 6
  131. Refusing provocation can disarm a staged public attack — ch. 6
  132. Saddam Hussein, a secularist, was the primary Muslim enemy before bin Laden. — ch. 6
  133. American capitalism offered European immigrants whiteness as a path to belonging. — ch. 6
  134. The War on Terror emboldened populists to scapegoat Muslims and seize power — ch. 6
  135. Islamophobia remained a hate unnamed in Said’s later years. — ch. 6
  136. Trying to belong to multiple worlds at once results in belonging to none — ch. 6
  137. Modern warfare continues the colonial practice of dismembering Muslim-majority nations — ch. 6
  138. Flattening Islam into one object enabled civilizational judgments against it — ch. 6
  139. China and India adopted an American blueprint against their Muslims — ch. 6
  140. Huntington’s clash thesis named all of Islam, not just fundamentalism, as the West’s problem — ch. 6
  141. Political language about Islam and terror is crafted by power to enable conflict. — ch. 6
  142. Popular conflation of Arabs, Muslims, and terrorism enabled the Iraq war. — ch. 6
  143. War on Terror ideology sent marginalized Americans to die as imperial fodder — ch. 6
  144. Irish immigrants achieved whiteness through working the auto assembly lines — ch. 6
  145. Saddam Hussein preceded bin Laden as America’s iconic Muslim enemy — ch. 6
  146. Obama’s oratory concealed continued drone strikes and mosque surveillance — ch. 6
  147. The same war produced victims on both sides who now share a neighborhood — ch. 6
  148. War on Terror homogenized Muslims the way earlier eras homogenized Native Americans and Africans — ch. 6
  149. The citizen-terrorist binary let the state override constitutional rights — ch. 6
  150. New atheists singled out Islam as uniquely dangerous among religions — ch. 6
  151. War on Terror ideology recruited marginalized Americans as cannon fodder for empire — ch. 6
  152. Obama’s surveillance state mainstreamed Islamophobia that enabled Trump’s victory — ch. 6
  153. New atheists singled out Islam as uniquely irredeemable among religions. — ch. 6
  154. Anti-Muslim sentiment predated and undergirded the War on Terror — ch. 6
  155. Orientalist intellectuals flattened a diverse billion-person faith into one reductive system — ch. 6
  156. Manifest Destiny persists as a living imperial ideology applied against Muslim populations — ch. 6
  157. Whiteness was sanctified as divine and made synonymous with Americanness. — ch. 6
  158. Counterinsurgency war can itself constitute the terror it claims to fight — ch. 6
  159. State law enforcement of the presumption that Muslims tie to terrorism constitutes structural Islamophobia — ch. 6
  160. Anti-Muslim punditry migrated from Europe to American audiences. — ch. 6
  161. Shared humanity overcomes preconceived enemy divisions between strangers — ch. 6
  162. Naming Islamophobia shifted the burden of justification onto anti-Muslim actors. — ch. 6
  163. Huntington’s clash of civilizations framing captured the War on Terror. — ch. 6
  164. Dabashi judged atheist-liberal Islamophobes more dangerous than conservative ones — ch. 6
  165. War on Terror propaganda preceded and pre-framed military action — ch. 6
  166. Shared experience of war’s harm can dissolve racialized threat perception — ch. 6
  167. The War on Terror warped the lives of soldiers and refugees alike — ch. 6
  168. Law functions as the state’s tool for creating plunderable races — ch. 6
  169. The War on Terror spawned numerous successor wars worldwide — ch. 6
  170. Every empire legitimizes itself by denying imperial motives — ch. 6
  171. American racism against Muslims extends back to enslaved Africans — ch. 6
  172. Legal gatekeepers invented Blackness as property to justify enslavement. — ch. 6
  173. The War on Terror draws its ideology from Orientalism’s invented past — ch. 6
  174. Mediated images of the Middle East recruited economically trapped men into foreign wars — ch. 6
  175. Washington globalized Orientalism and exported it for other nations to reproduce. — ch. 6
  176. Imperial wars advance elite interests while sacrificing poor citizen-soldiers — ch. 6
  177. War on Terror discourse makes suspecting Muslims feel rationally normal — ch. 6
  178. Islamophobia unites pundits across the political spectrum as an ideological meeting point — ch. 6
  179. Academic Orientalist ideas preceded and justified military violence against Muslims. — ch. 6
  180. Imperialist discourses succeed through resonance rather than truth or intelligibility — ch. 6
  181. Visible religious dress exposes Muslim women to continuous public surveillance — ch. 6
  182. Obama’s drone strikes killed Muslims across five nations — ch. 6
  183. The Iraq war was launched on fabricated claims and triggered a sectarian catastrophe — ch. 6
  184. Interviewers must set aside reciprocal stereotypes to hear testimony — ch. 6
  185. State rhetoric authorizes ordinary people to persecute Muslims — ch. 6
  186. Islamophobia functions as systemic denial of Muslims’ religious liberty — ch. 6
  187. War on Terror discourse reduced all persons to citizens or terrorists, empowering the state — ch. 6
  188. The United States armed and licensed global anti-Muslim crusades — ch. 6
  189. Huntington premised the Clash of Civilizations thesis a decade before its wartime use — ch. 6
  190. Islamophobia united the American political spectrum and media by 2020 — ch. 6
  191. India’s Citizenship Amendment Act mirrors the US Muslim Ban’s restricted logic — ch. 7
  192. Pandemic scapegoating escalated from media smears to physical violence and economic boycotts — ch. 7
  193. India’s Muslims live a state of being with no exit from communal hostility — ch. 7
  194. A BJP chief minister called for raping Muslim women’s corpses from graves — ch. 7
  195. State inaction during anti-Muslim mob violence functions as tacit approval — ch. 7
  196. Trump and Modi’s joint appearance directly sparked three weeks of anti-Muslim riots in Delhi — ch. 7
  197. Hindu extremists blamed India’s COVID outbreak on its Muslim community — ch. 7
  198. Trump and Modi’s joint rallies presaged violence against India’s Muslims — ch. 7
  199. India enacted its Muslim Ban three months after Modi’s Texas rally — ch. 7
  200. Bourdain’s suicide mirrors India’s own slide toward death — ch. 7
  201. India annexed Kashmir in August 2019 via a reorganization act — ch. 7
  202. Kashmiri Muslim identity has been collapsed into presumptive terrorism across India. — ch. 7
  203. Modi’s 2002 Gujarat violence recurred in Delhi in 2020 — ch. 7
  204. India’s restored 2G-only internet service does not function for basic email use. — ch. 7
  205. RSS territorial ideology extends Hindu claims to Kashmir through the Indus River — ch. 7
  206. State officials were granted free rein to kill Muslims in 2002 Gujarat — ch. 7
  207. Denial of Kashmir’s special status preceded mass imprisonment of its political class — ch. 7
  208. Modi rewarded rhetoric that incited mob violence against Indian Muslims — ch. 7
  209. Modi’s own mass rallies escaped the blame Muslim gatherings received — ch. 7
  210. The Citizenship Amendment Act ties Indian citizenship to Hindu identity — ch. 7
  211. Hindutva nationalists weaponized social media to label Muslims as Covid spreaders — ch. 7
  212. India’s COVID-19 outbreak was weaponized against Muslims through state and mob violence. — ch. 7
  213. The Gujarat pogrom’s accused leader Modi became India’s prime minister — ch. 7
  214. American War on Terror rhetoric licensed India’s Hindu supremacist campaign against Muslims — ch. 7
  215. Indian police and Hindutva mobs acted jointly against Muslim students — ch. 7
  216. Indian media staged a rescue narrative casting the occupying army as Kashmir’s savior — ch. 7
  217. India’s 1947 founding principle was integrating its vast religions — ch. 7
  218. State Islamophobia normalized itself inside India’s educated classes within years — ch. 7
  219. Trump and Modi’s joint appearance symbolized global Islamophobic solidarity — ch. 7
  220. India hosts the world’s second-largest Muslim population and may rank first by 2050 — ch. 7
  221. COVID lockdowns doubled as Muslim protection from state-tolerated violence — ch. 7
  222. The ‘Muslims have other countries’ claim spread from leaders to everyday Indians — ch. 7
  223. Indian Islamophobia threatens the survival of Indian democracy — ch. 7
  224. Modi exported Indian Islamophobia into Kashmir to justify annexation — ch. 7
  225. Kashmir’s semi-autonomous status made it vulnerable to Hindu supremacist annexation — ch. 7
  226. India has military-occupied Kashmir at a ratio of one soldier per thirteen residents. — ch. 7
  227. The global War on Terror opened a path for Modi’s Hindu supremacist campaign — ch. 7
  228. Indian media framed a military rescue as saving a boy from Kashmiri terrorists. — ch. 7
  229. A Russell Tribunal on Kashmir convened in Sarajevo in December 2021 — ch. 7
  230. The 2002 Gujarat massacre killed at least 800 Muslims, likely more — ch. 7
  231. Total communication blackouts force Kashmiris to address their grievances to the landscape itself. — ch. 7
  232. The chant Jai Shri Ram became a recognized signal of impending anti-Muslim violence — ch. 7
  233. Kashmiri photography substitutes for banned speech and assembly under Indian occupation. — ch. 7
  234. India revoked Kashmir’s quasi-autonomy through the 2019 Reorganization Act — ch. 7
  235. RSS founder Savarkar defined Hindu identity as seeing India as holy land — ch. 7
  236. Modi incited violent mobs to massacre Muslims in 2002 Gujarat — ch. 7
  237. The CAA redefined Indian citizenship to institutionalize religious hierarchy. — ch. 7
  238. Hindu nationalist mobs torched Delhi mosques and flew the Hanuman flag over them. — ch. 7
  239. New Delhi rioters replicated Gujarat’s flag-marking technique to target Muslims. — ch. 7
  240. Indian Islamophobia escalated into hijab bans, bulldozings, and detention camps — ch. 7
  241. India labeled Kashmiri independence activists, including a boy’s dead grandfather, as terrorists. — ch. 7
  242. Delhi’s 2020 anti-Muslim mob violence killed over fifty-three people — ch. 7
  243. Gujarat riot targeting techniques were repeated in Delhi’s 2020 anti-Muslim pogrom — ch. 7
  244. The Trump-Modi visit directly precipitated three weeks of New Delhi violence — ch. 7
  245. India’s citizenship registry parallels Nazi Nuremberg race laws. — ch. 7
  246. Indian propagandists doctored images of Kashmir to fake claims over it — ch. 7
  247. War on Terror rhetoric remade Indian Muslims into outsiders branded as Pakistanis or jihadis — ch. 7
  248. India is building internment camps modeled on Uyghur and Nazi camps — ch. 7
  249. Modi’s anti-Muslim propaganda became enshrined into Indian law — ch. 7
  250. Trump’s 2019 Houston rally fused MAGA symbolism with Hindu nationalism — ch. 7
  251. Hindu supremacists wield state power, unlike marginalized Western white supremacists. — ch. 7
  252. Delhi Muslims faced new Islamophobic forms on top of recent massacres — ch. 7
  253. India functionally annexed Kashmir in October 2019 — ch. 7
  254. Secular India’s ideal has been ravaged by Modi’s regime — ch. 7
  255. Modi framed India as an exclusive Hindu homeland that mobs enforce. — ch. 7
  256. Indian mobs physically claimed Muslim space by flying Hindu flags over burning mosques. — ch. 7
  257. India’s Citizenship Amendment Act exceeded Trump’s travel ban in severity. — ch. 7
  258. Post-2019 Kashmir saw pervasive military occupation targeting Muslim-majority space — ch. 7
  259. The CAA aims to redefine Indian citizenship, not immigration — ch. 7
  260. Modi’s India serves as a laboratory for virulent Islamophobia — ch. 7
  261. Official power works by making citizens forget state-sanctioned violence. — ch. 7
  262. Indian Muslims fear state-driven Islamophobia more than the pandemic itself. — ch. 7
  263. Hindutva Islamophobia regained mainstream appeal in just a few years — ch. 7
  264. Declaring Muslims foreigners strips them of presumed citizenship and licenses violence — ch. 7
  265. COVID-19 in India was blamed on all 200 million Muslims nationwide — ch. 7
  266. Trump and Modi’s rhetoric directly fomented anti-Muslim riots in New Delhi. — ch. 7
  267. India traded full blackout for 2G-only access to mask continued isolation — ch. 7
  268. India’s Muslim minority was scapegoated by Hindu extremists for the domestic outbreak of COVID-19 — ch. 7
  269. August 2019 annexation made dominant Kashmiri Muslims subjects of Hindu supremacists — ch. 7
  270. Indian Muslims fear Hindutva mobs more than the coronavirus — ch. 7
  271. Indian law in Kashmir functions as a two-faced genocide targeting culture and bodies — ch. 7
  272. America’s War on Terror helped legitimize Modi’s rise. — ch. 7
  273. Hindutva Islamophobia penetrated Indian universities and professional classes — ch. 7
  274. Modi’s 2014 rise to power sparked India’s Islamophobia wave — ch. 7
  275. India’s Modi regime is building internment camps modeled on China’s Uyghur camps. — ch. 7
  276. India adopted the American conflation of Muslims with terrorism and Pakistan — ch. 7
  277. Internet blackouts enable states to escalate violence against occupied minorities unseen — ch. 7
  278. India’s media orchestrated a false narrative of a heroic military rescue in Kashmir. — ch. 7
  279. Hindu extremists attacked the Badi Mosque in the wake of the Trump visit — ch. 7
  280. The Modi regime used law to pursue demographic ethnic cleansing — ch. 7
  281. India’s CAA citizenship law restricted Muslim immigrants from neighboring countries — ch. 7
  282. Photographic propaganda is a weapon in the contest over Kashmir — ch. 7
  283. American War on Terror doctrine legitimated India’s recasting of Kashmiri Muslims as terrorists — ch. 7
  284. India imposed a six-month total internet blackout on Kashmir — ch. 7
  285. Article 370 repeal stripped Kashmir’s constitutional quasi-autonomy and invited military occupation — ch. 7
  286. BJP ideology traces its roots to European white supremacism. — ch. 7
  287. Modi’s BJP rooted its future vision in caste divisions and past violence — ch. 7
  288. Ordinary Kashmiri acts can be arbitrarily recast as terrorism by Indian forces — ch. 7
  289. Survivors carry exile as an unshakeable embodied mark of guilt and trauma. — ch. 8
  290. China detains over one million people in twelve hundred Xinjiang camps. — ch. 8
  291. China’s camps expanded from religious leaders to criminalizing all Uyghur identity — ch. 8
  292. Washington declared an insignificant Uyghur movement terroristic under Chinese pressure. — ch. 8
  293. China’s Xinjiang surveillance pre-identified Uyghurs as terrorists through algorithmic data mining — ch. 8
  294. China framed Uyghur ethnic and Muslim identity itself as an illness to be cured — ch. 8
  295. China’s camps hold at least ten times more people than US Japanese internment — ch. 8
  296. China’s surveillance extends state control into every digital and social domain of Uyghur life. — ch. 8
  297. The Rohingya genocide destroyed Suu Kyi’s international moral standing — ch. 8
  298. Uyghurs ethnically resemble their Turkic Central Asian neighbors — ch. 8
  299. A quarter of Xinjiang’s Uyghur population has endured the camps — ch. 8
  300. Chinese Islamophobia is a state campaign to uproot indigenous Islam and implant Han control — ch. 8
  301. Over two million Xinjiang residents have experienced night-time arrest — ch. 8
  302. Rohingya refugees dispersed across South and Southeast Asia and the West. — ch. 8
  303. Myanmar erases Rohingya presence by building military bases over their villages. — ch. 8
  304. Myanmar killed about 30,000 Rohingya and displaced nearly a million from 2017. — ch. 8
  305. Associating a Muslim population with terrorism required no evidence of ties — ch. 8
  306. China adopted the War on Terror’s civilizational discourse to justify domestic repression — ch. 8
  307. Counterterrorism law serves as a pretext to suppress Uyghur identity. — ch. 8
  308. The War on Terror label accelerated Myanmar’s genocide of Rohingya Muslims. — ch. 8
  309. Chinese Islamophobia seeks to uproot indigenous Islam and replace it with Han customs — ch. 8
  310. Returned Xinjiang internees serve as terrorizing warnings to their communities — ch. 8
  311. China has interned up to two million Uyghur Muslims in Xinjiang camps — ch. 8
  312. China’s orphanages aim to assimilate a whole Uyghur generation into Han culture — ch. 8
  313. The Chinese state attacks Islam to erase Uyghur land claims. — ch. 8
  314. China’s state founding in 1949 marked the onset of Uyghur oppression. — ch. 8
  315. China controls Xinjiang through omnipresent fear of internment rather than surveillance technology — ch. 8
  316. Fear of internment drives Uyghur out-migration and is itself a state weapon — ch. 8
  317. China banned Ramadan fasting for Uyghur state employees in 2015 — ch. 8
  318. Xinjiang internment parallels Holocaust mechanisms despite fewer mass deaths — ch. 8
  319. Uyghurs were offered exile from homeland or internment in camps — ch. 8
  320. Nazi and Chinese regimes shared religion-scapegoating logic of propaganda and surveillance — ch. 8
  321. A quarter of Xinjiang’s Uyghurs have been interned in concentration camps — ch. 8
  322. Rohingya genocide killed roughly 30,000 people and displaced nearly one million — ch. 8
  323. All nations enlisted in the War on Terror adopted identical civilizational rhetoric — ch. 8
  324. Said defined exile as an unhealable rift from native place — ch. 8
  325. Chinese authorities demolished Kashgar’s mosque minarets — ch. 8
  326. Global pressure has lagged behind China’s anti-Uyghur campaign — ch. 8
  327. Predictive policing algorithms tagged Uyghur women as terrorists before arrest. — ch. 8
  328. American War on Terror propaganda accelerated Myanmar’s preexisting ethnic cleansing into genocide — ch. 8
  329. Children of interned Uyghurs are placed in assimilationist state orphanages — ch. 8
  330. China emptied the word ‘terrorist’ of meaning and used it to suppress Uyghurs — ch. 8
  331. Burmese forces displaced a million Rohingya starting in 2017 — ch. 8
  332. Exiled survivors carry their displacement branded on their bodies — ch. 8
  333. A tribunal documented Chinese harvesting of organs from Uyghur Muslims — ch. 8
  334. Even genocide scholarship diverges from survivors’ lived experience — ch. 8
  335. Even Trump accused China of genociding Uyghur Muslims by 2020 — ch. 8
  336. More than 2 million people have been taken from their homes in Xinjiang. — ch. 8
  337. The world chronically ignores ethnic cleansing until it is too late — ch. 8
  338. Routine religious practice can trigger detention for Xinjiang’s 11 million Uyghurs — ch. 8
  339. China recruits Uyghur children to spy on their own parents — ch. 8
  340. China’s surveillance apparatus envelops Uyghur Muslims through engineered digital subjugation — ch. 8
  341. China marketed Xinjiang skiing atop evicted Uyghur communities during the 2022 Olympics. — ch. 8
  342. Beijing polices Ramadan fasting to advance Uyghur ethnic cleansing — ch. 8
  343. Separation of Uyghur children enables eliminating 11 million Uyghur Muslims — ch. 8
  344. Rohingya population in Myanmar fell from over a million to under 200,000. — ch. 8
  345. China faced no genuine terror threat before adopting the War on Terror framework — ch. 8
  346. Estimates of Uyghurs interned in China range from 1.1 to 5 million — ch. 8
  347. Chinese camps surveil and punish Uyghur detainees even for weeping over photos — ch. 8
  348. China surveils Uyghur religious leaders and cuts their overseas contacts — ch. 8
  349. The War on Terror gave China pretext to crush Uyghur self-determination — ch. 8
  350. Beijing weaponizes state atheism together with anti-terror doctrine as genocidal tools. — ch. 8
  351. China adopted the War on Terror to justify crushing the Uyghurs — ch. 8
  352. Ordinary Chinese citizens broadly accept Uyghur internment as necessary for stability. — ch. 8
  353. Rohingya girl witnessed babies thrown into fires at sixteen — ch. 8
  354. Up to three million Uyghurs are detained in 500 camps — ch. 8
  355. Exile constitutes the most intimate form of Islamophobia for Rohingya Muslims. — ch. 8
  356. China imported the American War on Terror framing to justify genocide against Uyghurs. — ch. 8
  357. Myanmar’s government labeled thousands of missing victims with a euphemism for death. — ch. 8
  358. China exploited the War on Terror as cover to crush the Uyghurs. — ch. 8
  359. China’s Xinjiang camps target all 15 million Muslims, not just religious leaders. — ch. 8
  360. China surveils mosques, imams, and overseas family contacts in Xinjiang — ch. 8
  361. The global War on Terror legitimized China’s surveillance crackdown on Uyghurs. — ch. 8
  362. Southeast Asian states turned away Rohingya refugee boats during Ramadan 2020. — ch. 8
  363. China weaponizes Uyghur children as informants against their own parents — ch. 8
  364. China operates orphanages to convert Uyghur children into Han-identified atheists — ch. 8
  365. China targets Uyghur Islam to erase their land claims for Belt and Road. — ch. 8
  366. About three million Uyghur Muslims are held in 500 camps — ch. 8
  367. Xinjiang camps erase Uyghur language and identity as a supposed illness treatment. — ch. 8
  368. China developed Xinjiang’s surveillance architecture for global export against Uyghurs — ch. 8
  369. Up to 2 million Uyghur Muslims have been imprisoned in camps — ch. 8
  370. Authoritarian regimes depend on public apathy and ignorance to sustain mass atrocity — ch. 8
  371. Uyghur Muslims’ spiritual fidelity to Islam increases their risk of detention. — ch. 8
  372. Rohingya met citizenship criteria yet were excluded as a class — ch. 8
  373. Prayer alone can trigger imprisonment for Uyghur Muslims — ch. 8
  374. Over one million people were held in China’s 1,200 Xinjiang internment camps — ch. 8
  375. Myanmar’s 2016 ethnic cleansing used citizenship status to justify violence — ch. 8
  376. A Chinese bulldozer razed Kashgar’s blue-domed mosque — ch. 8
  377. Ethno-religious markers and a citizenship law rendered the Rohingya stateless at home in Myanmar — ch. 8
  378. Refugee trauma can be re-triggered by landscapes of resettlement that evoke remembered atrocity. — ch. 8
  379. Individual moral responsibility justifies disobeying unjust laws — ch. 9
  380. France’s 2019 law barred hijab-wearing mothers from school chaperoning — ch. 9
  381. The Stasi Commission framed the hijab as a symbol of female subordination — ch. 9
  382. Secularism in France was weaponized against Muslims as legal violence — ch. 9
  383. French hijab bans rest on narratives contradicting Muslim women’s own accounts — ch. 9
  384. Western narratives of hijab oppression clash with lived Muslim women’s realities — ch. 9
  385. State neglect and overpolicing of banlieues made them ISIS recruiting grounds — ch. 9
  386. France’s first hijab ban attempt came in 1989, predating the national Islamophobic party’s rise — ch. 9
  387. Paris and its banlieues form two mutually suspicious cities only six miles apart. — ch. 9
  388. France’s 2004 law facially neutral in language targets the hijab specifically — ch. 9
  389. Two boys killed while fleeing police sparked France’s 2005 three-week banlieue uprising — ch. 9
  390. Mass protest against Belgian hijab bans drew over a thousand marchers — ch. 9
  391. Algerian women turned the veil into a weapon of anticolonial warfare — ch. 9
  392. French Islamophobic sentiment is spatially concentrated in the stigmatized banlieues — ch. 9
  393. ISIS recruits by exploiting economic misery akin to military enlistment practices — ch. 9
  394. French law’s colorblindness coexists with pervasive raced policing and inequity. — ch. 9
  395. France criminalized Muslim face coverings while mandating analogous pandemic masks — ch. 9
  396. Religious conscience can override state law for both King and hijabi women — ch. 9
  397. France’s large Muslim population results directly from its colonial empire — ch. 9
  398. France’s National Assembly passed the 2004 Hijab Ban by 496 to 34 — ch. 9
  399. France’s 2004 hijab ban spawned copycat laws in Belgium, Quebec, and Denmark — ch. 9
  400. A young Muslim woman defied Quebec’s hijab ban out of religious conviction — ch. 9
  401. Quebec’s Bill 21 imported the French hijab ban into Canada in 2019 — ch. 9
  402. French state Islamophobia targets Muslim women while citing their liberation from Muslim men — ch. 9
  403. Quebec adopted French-style secularism to ban the hijab — ch. 9
  404. A hijab-wearing Muslim in France had to choose between faith and national belonging — ch. 9
  405. The veil originated as civil-war protection yet permanently marked Muslim women — ch. 9
  406. French and American counter-radicalization programs both use Muslim informants to suppress religious expression. — ch. 9
  407. French stares at hijab-wearing girls signal a longstanding anti-Muslim plague. — ch. 9
  408. French Islamophobia disrupted Muslim schoolchildren’s lives more than the pandemic itself. — ch. 9
  409. France lost 30,000 people to coronavirus by July 2020 — ch. 9
  410. France’s geographic proximity to Muslim lands makes its Islamophobia more layered — ch. 9
  411. Facially neutral French law banned hijabs in public schools without naming Islam — ch. 9
  412. Europe casts Muslim men as armed jihadists and women as veiled Trojan horses — ch. 9
  413. Said saw America’s Islam obsession as secondhand and its European form as more grounded — ch. 9
  414. Rising Islamophobia causes some Muslim women to adopt the veil as political resistance — ch. 9
  415. Laws stripping religious freedom provoke principled civil disobedience — ch. 9
  416. War on Terror crusading extends the original medieval Crusades in European framing. — ch. 9
  417. Muslim women seek freedom from state dress regulation, not rescue — ch. 9
  418. Banning religious dress can alienate native-born citizens from their own country — ch. 9
  419. Direct testimony of Muslim women outweighs outsider claims of their powerlessness — ch. 9
  420. After the 2015 attacks, visibly Muslim people in France were presumed banlieue residents — ch. 9
  421. France’s hijab policing became a template copied across continents — ch. 9
  422. Islamophobic rhetoric moved from fringe into mainstream French politics — ch. 9
  423. Burqa bans rest on intertwined stereotypes of Muslim women and men — ch. 9
  424. The hijab’s meaning shifts between liberation and oppression across contexts — ch. 9
  425. French Islamophobia predates the War on Terror and traces to Algerian colonialism — ch. 9
  426. Islamophobia is gendered, casting Muslim men as violent terrorist threats — ch. 9
  427. The hijab ban targets even deeply culturally assimilated Muslims — ch. 9
  428. In the 1990s divorce remained taboo within American Muslim communities — ch. 9
  429. Muslim women’s presence in France refutes binary framings of emancipation versus faith — ch. 9
  430. Veil bans revived imperialist narratives about Muslim women needing saving — ch. 9
  431. Marginalized Muslim spaces grant identity freedom that mainstream society denies — ch. 9
  432. The November 2015 attacks turned state surveillance onto banlieue Muslims. — ch. 9
  433. French banlieues combined vibrant culture with crushing economic desperation — ch. 9
  434. French analysts read banlieue unrest as revenge rather than justice-seeking — ch. 9
  435. COVID-19 killed 30,000 people in France by July 2020. — ch. 9
  436. Bystander Muslims bear guilt by association for terrorist attacks they never committed — ch. 9
  437. French colorblindness law masks state-driven racial inequities that feed extremism recruitment — ch. 9
  438. Paris’s core and its banlieues constitute radically separate worlds for Arab Africans — ch. 9
  439. Scholar Hisham Aidi coined ‘rebel music’ for banlieue resistance soundtracks — ch. 9
  440. Muslim women’s bodies are the first targets of state Islamophobia — ch. 9
  441. Muslim women sustain communities through resilience against compounded hardship — ch. 9
  442. American Islamophobia inherited European tropes but without Europe’s deep historical memory — ch. 9
  443. Paris and its banlieues hold mutually opposing images of each other as dangerous — ch. 9
  444. The hijab began as war-time protection but never lost that martial function — ch. 9
  445. Belgian courts adopted France’s framing of the hijab as outside religious freedom — ch. 9
  446. French colonial rule of Algeria from 1830 to 1962 produced France’s present-day Islamophobia — ch. 9
  447. The November 2015 Paris attacks killed ten times more than Charlie Hebdo — ch. 9
  448. Macron staged a school photo op to announce France’s 135-euro mask mandate. — ch. 9
  449. Banlieue Islamic culture attracts white gentry youth who adopt Islamic slang — ch. 9
  450. Crusades imagery actively shapes European Islamophobia more powerfully than in America — ch. 9
  451. France’s hijab ban seeded copycat policies across Europe, India, and North America — ch. 9
  452. ISIS recruitment in French banlieues failed millions of times against eleven successes — ch. 9
  453. Belgium’s court held hijab bans compatible with European human rights law — ch. 9
  454. Gendered Islamophobia casts Muslim women as victims needing state rescue — ch. 9
  455. Secularism’s laïcité doctrine functions as a weapon against Muslims — ch. 9
  456. Benna and Traore’s deaths sparked three weeks of mass resistance. — ch. 9
  457. State terror outweighs ISIS threats inside French banlieues — ch. 9
  458. Gendered Islamophobia casts Muslim men as terrorists and women as victims needing saving — ch. 9
  459. State-neglected Muslim youth adopt jihad as a noble global cause — ch. 9
  460. The coordinated November 2015 Paris attacks killed 130 people across multiple sites — ch. 9
  461. The hijab can function as a source of liberation rather than oppression — ch. 9
  462. State repression against Muslim women has repeatedly failed to break their agency — ch. 9
  463. The pandemic mask mandate exposed laïcité as thinly veiled Islamophobia — ch. 9
  464. French Muslims are branded by banlieue association regardless of where they reside — ch. 9
  465. The deaths of Zyed Benna and Bouna Traore triggered the 2005 French riots. — ch. 9
  466. Trump’s anti-Muslim campaign served as a global symbol for white supremacists abroad. — ch. 10
  467. Husna Aden died rushing to her wheelchair-bound husband to serve him — ch. 10
  468. The Muslim-terrorism conflation distanced white wars and white terror from scrutiny — ch. 10
  469. A mosque can anchor an immigrant’s integration into a new country — ch. 10
  470. Orientalism operates as a racial project serving white supremacist empire. — ch. 10
  471. White supremacist terror mirrors the founding colonial violence of settler nations. — ch. 10
  472. Unremembered people effectively die twice, once physically and once in oblivion — ch. 10
  473. White supremacist terror in the Antipodes reflects a global, digitally-mobilized phase of Islamophobia — ch. 10
  474. Jacinda Ardern’s post-attack tribute gave Christchurch’s fifty-one victims enduring public remembrance — ch. 10
  475. Whites are framed as individuals while Muslims are framed as an ominous monolith — ch. 10
  476. Naming victims restores the life the War on Terror denied them — ch. 10
  477. Mass shooters deliberately weaponize media fame to achieve posthumous immortality — ch. 10
  478. Whiteness grants presumptive belonging that race-neutral legal status does not — ch. 10
  479. Islamophobic framing targets Muslims in both New Zealand and the US Midwest — ch. 10
  480. The War on Terror structurally controls which Muslim deaths become knowable — ch. 10
  481. A distant mosque massacre permanently shapes how Muslims everywhere experience Friday prayer — ch. 10
  482. Trump’s anti-Muslim rhetoric and policy directly emboldened white supremacist attacks — ch. 10
  483. White supremacist violence gains legitimacy from explicit government sanction — ch. 10
  484. Ardern’s refusal to name the shooter denied him the notoriety media would have granted — ch. 10
  485. A new Muslim convert became a trusted volunteer serving refugees in Christchurch. — ch. 10
  486. Muslims become memorable in Western media almost only as perpetrators of violence — ch. 10
  487. White supremacist terror unites indigenous and Muslim victims in shared resistance — ch. 10
  488. The Al Noor mosque was a stable weekly anchor for its Christchurch congregation — ch. 10
  489. Whiteness operates as a racial passport that overrides legal citizenship status — ch. 10
  490. Australian senator blamed victims’ faith for the Christchurch massacres — ch. 10
  491. Australian men’s rights activism served as a gateway into white supremacist circles — ch. 10
  492. White supremacist land claims rest on race rather than citizenship or history — ch. 10
  493. Even Muslim terror victims were blamed for their own deaths by political elites — ch. 10
  494. Tarrant’s terror was never legally linked to settler-colonial genocide — ch. 10
  495. Whiteness served as a racial passport granting Tarrant proprietorship over a foreign land. — ch. 10
  496. The War on Terror made the words Muslim and terrorism virtually synonymous — ch. 10
  497. Trump’s anti-Muslim rhetoric and policies emboldened white supremacist vigilantes like Tarrant — ch. 10
  498. The War on Terror’s framing made slain Muslims themselves bear guilt for their deaths — ch. 10
  499. Whiteness severs victims from land claims and legitimates ownership — ch. 10
  500. Trump’s anti-Muslim rhetoric reverberated across the globe among white supremacist movements — ch. 10
  501. Men’s rights movements in Australia overlapped and fused with white supremacist groups. — ch. 10
  502. The Islamic charity pillar drew converts into Muslim communities — ch. 10
  503. Loss of a loved one marks the true beginning of life — ch. 10
  504. The local mosque functions as an instant community for Muslim travelers worldwide — ch. 10
  505. White perpetrators are categorically dissociated from the label of terrorism. — ch. 10
  506. Naeem Rashid rushed the Christchurch attacker within one minute — ch. 10
  507. Lone-wolf white terror is rarely ever actually isolated individual action. — ch. 10
  508. Racialization casts whites as individuals and Muslims as an undifferentiated mass. — ch. 10
  509. The Christchurch gunman framed Muslims as invaders echoing political rhetoric — ch. 10
  510. Christchurch shooter’s framing borrowed directly from political rhetoric branding Muslims invaders — ch. 10
  511. White supremacist perpetrators are rarely genuine lone wolves though framed as such — ch. 10
  512. Christchurch permanently altered Friday worship into a moment of mortal fear for Muslims worldwide — ch. 10
  513. Tarrant’s manifesto borrowed Trump’s own language about Muslims — ch. 10
  514. Passing as white let converts overhear anti-Muslim bigotry aimed at visible Muslims. — ch. 10
  515. Muslims carry an expected ritual of collective apology after each terror attack. — ch. 10
  516. No global war targets transnational white supremacy despite its scale — ch. 10
  517. A white New Zealand woman embraced the Muslim community her nation’s history displaced — ch. 10
  518. Terrorists receive instant biographical prominence from the media coverage they engineered — ch. 10
  519. Naeem Rashid’s Islam emphasized defending the oppressed across faiths — ch. 10
  520. White supremacist terror is framed as individual acts while Muslim victims are deindividualized — ch. 10
  521. The lone-wolf label mirrors white terrorists’ own self-framing as ordinary men — ch. 10
  522. Media coverage humanizes Muslims as perpetrators but erases them as victims — ch. 10
  523. The Christchurch attack destroyed the everyday sacred space Naeem inhabited — ch. 10
  524. White supremacist violence goes unlabeled as terrorism due to actors’ racial identity — ch. 10
  525. Media individualism grants white terrorists dignity denied their victims. — ch. 10
  526. Official heroic honors for Muslim victims can flatten their full humanity into symbols. — ch. 10
  527. Anti-Muslim terrorism converts Muslim religious observance into recurring fear — ch. 10
  528. Media coverage humanized the Christchurch killer but anonymized his fifty-one victims — ch. 10
  529. Shared status as targets of white supremacy unites Maori and Muslims — ch. 10
  530. Cairo’s Jewish community vanished leaving only memory and shared heritage — ch. 10
  531. The War on Terror fused the concepts of Muslim and terrorist. — ch. 10
  532. A prime minister can redirect global media coverage from terrorist to victims — ch. 10
  533. The Christchurch massacre’s grief is carried by ordinary Muslims across the globe — ch. 10
  534. Social media accelerated the formation of a transnational white supremacist movement — ch. 10
  535. War on Terror victims remain largely unknown and uncounted. — ch. 10
  536. Dearborn’s Muslim population exceeds all of New Zealand’s despite tiny size — ch. 10
  537. Tarrant’s mosque massacre continued settler-colonial genocides — ch. 10
  538. The War on Terror has no counterpart campaign against transnational white supremacy — ch. 10
  539. White supremacy in settler colonies moves from indigenous genocide to anti-Muslim massacre — ch. 10
  540. Economic limits drove a Pakistani banking manager to emigrate to New Zealand in 2010. — ch. 10
  541. White supremacist terror was overlooked as a global threat because of perpetrators’ racial identity — ch. 10
  542. Xenophobic populist rhetoric functions as an internal threat to Western democracies — ch. 11
  543. Ardern’s government paid all fifty-one Christchurch victims’ funerals regardless of citizenship — ch. 11
  544. Global Black Lives Matter visibility did not extend to Palestinian lives. — ch. 11
  545. Muhammad Ali’s global belovedness coexisted with his Muslim faith’s vilification — ch. 11
  546. Protestors physically toppling statues act as a counter-history to white supremacy — ch. 11
  547. George Floyd’s murder triggered a nationwide wave of statue toppling — ch. 11
  548. A Muslim athlete can make Islamic ritual visible within a hostile mainstream spectacle. — ch. 11
  549. White global dominance was achieved through violence, not divine right — ch. 11
  550. Salah’s public field-side prayer made Muslim faith visible in elite sport — ch. 11
  551. Muslim athletes now dominate top ranks of MMA and boxing — ch. 11
  552. Ardern’s hijab-wearing turned a symbol of Muslim inferiority into strength. — ch. 11
  553. War on Terror security measures enable greater domestic police repression against minorities — ch. 11
  554. State leaders can model new engagement with Muslims despite inheriting the War on Terror — ch. 11
  555. Beloved athletes can embody a despised religion without losing public adoration — ch. 11
  556. Statues transmit ideological narratives that justify past genocide. — ch. 11
  557. Protest recontextualization converted the Lee statue into a memorial to police victims — ch. 11
  558. Statue-toppling and writing new narratives are acts of abolition against inherited Islamophobia. — ch. 11
  559. A Western leader publicly embraced Islam to repudiate War on Terror rhetoric — ch. 11
  560. Public Islamic ritual functioned as a geopolitical counterblow to Islamophobic governance — ch. 11
  561. Dagestani Muslims carry the double burden of Soviet and War-on-Terror stigmatization — ch. 11
  562. White football fans celebrated an openly Muslim player despite the league’s history of bigotry — ch. 11
  563. A leadership model affirming difference can counter civilization-based framing of Muslims — ch. 11
  564. A policeman interpreted an autistic Palestinian’s nervous pacing as suspicion and chased him — ch. 11
  565. Muslim athletes can convert Islamophobic stadium abuse into a platform for defiant public faith. — ch. 11
  566. The War on Terror globally embedded a racialized terrorist stereotype of Muslims — ch. 11
  567. Ardern’s gesture defied two decades of War on Terror messaging — ch. 11
  568. The Christchurch massacre was a reckoning produced by the War on Terror itself — ch. 11
  569. Merely being Muslim provokes different sanctions than visibly practicing Islam in distinct national regimes — ch. 11
  570. Truthful history requires demolishing deceitful monuments, not preserving them — ch. 11
  571. Columbus never reached the mainland yet anchors American origin mythology — ch. 11
  572. Thomas Jefferson owned a Qur’an while also enslaving 600 people — ch. 11
  573. The toppled Jackson statue’s pedestal was renamed for Jacob Blake — ch. 11
  574. Non-Muslim fans emulated Salah’s visible Islamic practice in public stadiums — ch. 11
  575. US schooling made Columbus’s false discovery narrative official national history — ch. 11
  576. A popular Muslim athlete measurably reduced local hate crimes and Islamophobia — ch. 11
  577. Laws empowered founding figures to commit evils equal in scale to their achievements — ch. 11
  578. Jack Johnson’s early 1900s Blackness enabled Muhammad Ali’s later defiant Black Muslim identity — ch. 11
  579. A Muslim athlete’s public faith display provoked crowd hostility at the UFC weigh-in. — ch. 11
  580. White fragility historically fueled displacement, incarceration, and imperial wars — ch. 11
  581. Ardern’s post-massacre symbolic gestures reversed the War on Terror’s coded meanings — ch. 11
  582. Khabib Nurmagomedov remained undefeated and observant across twenty-eight MMA bouts. — ch. 11
  583. Statue-toppling constitutes a Black American Spring of revolution — ch. 11
  584. Black Lives Matter protests resonated across Muslim-majority countries. — ch. 11
  585. Statue toppling rehistoricizes monuments from the subjugated viewpoint — ch. 11
  586. Prominent rivals directed Islamophobic slurs at Muslim athletes during major promotions. — ch. 11
  587. Conversion to Islam fused Black radicalism and foreign menace in white 1960s imagination — ch. 11
  588. Surveillance mechanisms used on Muslims are also deployed against BLM activists — ch. 11
  589. Trump blamed protest victims rather than the systems enabling police violence — ch. 11
  590. George Floyd’s murder was read globally as a symbol of War on Terror violence — ch. 11
  591. Anti-Blackness and Islamophobia assign deviance through parallel racializing logics — ch. 11
  592. Sports and politics can function as one integrated force for change — ch. 11
  593. White supremacy is framed as a dying beast waging its last stand — ch. 11
  594. Monuments embody invented pasts that crack under present pressures — ch. 11
  595. Writing counters word-based violence that hurts Muslims as much as weapons do — ch. 11
  596. Mass protests can forge public links between anti-Blackness and Islamophobia. — ch. 11
  597. The 2020 NBA player boycott fused sports and politics into progress — ch. 11
  598. Refusing to name a shooter denies them the fame they crave. — ch. 11
  599. Blackness itself functioned as presumptive criminality for police killers — ch. 11
  600. In 1960s America Islam signified both Black radicalism and foreign menace — ch. 11
  601. Muslim fighters can force hostile audiences to respect their faith through sheer competitive dominance. — ch. 11
  602. The War on Terror laid foundations for policies white supremacists later claimed as inspiration — ch. 11
  603. Ali rejected sporting glory alone to write his own historic path — ch. 11
  604. Western leaders’ outreach pledges to Muslims consistently fail to match their actions — ch. 11
  605. Statues must be replaced with monuments to those killed by American racism — ch. 11
  606. Five days after Floyd’s murder, Israeli police killed an autistic Palestinian man — ch. 11
  607. America will become majority nonwhite by 2045 — ch. 11
  608. Ardern deliberately positioned Islam at the center rather than margins of mourning — ch. 11
  609. Western leaders’ outreach pledges to Muslims produced more harm than reconciliation — ch. 11
  610. A visibly Muslim footballer’s public prayer earned mainstream white fandom in England — ch. 11
  611. Labeling BLM protesters terrorists is a weapon to strip legitimacy from grievances — ch. 11
  612. Women have been first responders and foundational figures in Islam’s resilience — ch. 11
  613. Media castigated BLM protesters as looters to delegitimize grievances — ch. 11
  614. White anxiety drives demogogic scapegoating across US politics. — ch. 11
  615. A Western head of state publicly quoted the Prophet Muhammad in grief response — ch. 11
  616. Elite athletes who politicize their platform can shift national movements — ch. 11
  617. War on Terror policies inspired the Christchurch terrorist’s attacks — ch. 11
  618. Muslim fighters now dominate elite combat sports worldwide — ch. 11
  619. Western populist leaders’ anti-Muslim rhetoric directly armed Christchurch’s white supremacist terrorist — ch. 11
  620. A head of state can publicly recast Islam as part of national identity. — ch. 11
  621. Black Lives Matter’s corporate embrace contrasted with official indifference to Palestinian lives — ch. 11
  622. Toppling statues begins the work of rewriting victors’ histories — ch. 11
  623. Muhammad Ali’s every act carried deliberate political intent outside politics — ch. 11
  624. Muslim public figures carry faith representation duties that ordinary Muslims lack — ch. 11
  625. George Floyd’s murder symbolized global power inequities linking US policing to war-on-terror killings — ch. 11
  626. Islamophobic slurs from mainstream stars make Muslim spectators fear physical violence at sporting events. — ch. 11
  627. Anti-Blackness forms a single connected global phenomenon — ch. 11
  628. A Muslim footballer measurably reduced local hate crimes through visibility — ch. 11
  629. Media humanization drives which refugee populations receive humanitarian aid — ch. 12
  630. Global sympathy for Ukraine was driven primarily by race, not realpolitik — ch. 12
  631. Whiteness in newsrooms skews coverage toward white suffering and away from nonwhite refugees — ch. 12
  632. Whiteness, not realpolitik, drives Western solidarity with Ukraine. — ch. 12
  633. Muslim self-determination struggles are demonized where Ukrainian resistance is praised — ch. 12
  634. Western media humanized Ukrainian refugees with named detailed stories — ch. 12
  635. Ukrainian refugees earned an immigration goodwill denied to Arab and Muslim refugees. — ch. 12
  636. War on Terror conditioned the world to accept Arab killing — ch. 12
  637. Comparative coverage grants white victims instant humanity denied to Arabs and Muslims — ch. 12
  638. Race and religion shape who is seen as freedom fighter versus terrorist — ch. 12
  639. Calling out the racial double standard falls short of the humanizing coverage refugees need — ch. 12
  640. Whiteness shapes journalistic framing; liberal and right-wing media shared racist Ukraine framing — ch. 12
  641. Yemen’s Saudi-led war drew silence while Ukraine’s drew global outrage — ch. 12
  642. Centering settler interiority depends on rendering the native as negligible. — ch. 12
  643. Lebanon’s civil war forged a fractured national identity that mirrored its ruins — ch. 12
  644. Media denial and anonymity precede and enable physical violence against Muslims — ch. 12
  645. Rhetorical conflation of Arabs, Muslims, and Middle Easterners legitimized mass execution. — ch. 12
  646. Israel’s human-shield rhetoric against Palestinians was copied by Putin against Ukrainians — ch. 12
  647. Media coverage, not need, determines which refugees receive humanitarian aid — ch. 12
  648. A BBC segment openly confirmed white victims get instant empathy denied to others — ch. 12
  649. The War on Terror targets nameless objects across India, China, Myanmar, and France alike. — ch. 12
  650. Lebanon’s civil war profoundly shaped childhood perception through existential absurdity — ch. 12
  651. Liberal media voices joined populist racism in ranking Ukrainian lives above Muslim ones — ch. 12
  652. Refugee receptions during the Ukraine war were racially stratified by whiteness — ch. 12
  653. The War on Terror unites disparate national crusades against a single depersonalized Arab object — ch. 12
  654. Objectification of colonized people undergirds their erasure in literature and law — ch. 12
  655. Western immigration tolerance is contingent on refugees being Ukrainian and white — ch. 12
  656. India annexed Kashmir with world silence while Russia’s invasion drew condemnation — ch. 12
  657. Saudi Arabia’s US-backed war has wrought famine on Yemen without global condemnation — ch. 12
  658. The West claims anti-imperialist language only when victims are white. — ch. 12
  659. War crimes against nonwhite Muslims draw far less Western support than Ukraine’s — ch. 12
  660. A legless Beirut street man embodies Lebanon stripped of its limbs by war — ch. 12
  661. The Ukrainian-style underdog narrative is withheld from Muslim self-determination struggles — ch. 12
  662. Literary objectification renders colonized people dead before any physical violence. — ch. 12
  663. Ukraine coverage exposed the unequal valuation of Muslim versus European lives — ch. 12
  664. France 24 treated Arab refugees as an indistinct monolith tied to far-right rhetoric. — ch. 12
  665. Media conditioning makes the world accept the killing of Arabs as routine. — ch. 12
  666. Israeli dehumanizing rhetoric against Palestinians was adapted by Putin for Ukrainians — ch. 12
  667. Exile cities like Istanbul become hubs organizing Uyghur and Kashmiri resistance — ch. 13
  668. Istanbul functions as an intellectual and political refuge for Muslim exiles — ch. 13
  669. Islamophobia now wages wars across both Western and non-Western states — ch. 13
  670. The occupier’s plans shape where resistance organizes, but exile can rupture that logic — ch. 13
  671. Islamophobia now operates cross-racially through non-Western imperial conquests — ch. 13
  672. Muslim-majority governments have sided with China against Uyghurs for economic reasons — ch. 13
  673. Occupiers’ plans shape where resistance organizes, including refuge cities — ch. 13
  674. A single global Islamophobia links geographically disparate struggles in exile — ch. 13
  675. Orientalist civilizational essentialism is a pillar of race making — ch. 15
  676. Both Washington and Beijing exploited War on Terror rhetoric to justify policing China — ch. 15
  677. Racialization is a political process that constantly transforms assigned social meanings. — ch. 15
  678. The hijab is stereotyped as a symbol of subordinate Muslim womanhood — ch. 15
  679. The Occident defines itself as the mirror image of the Orient — ch. 15
  680. Mainstream media framed Ukraine as more civilized than Iraq or Afghanistan — ch. 15
  681. E-carceration rebrands prison-style surveillance as caring correctional support — ch. 15
  682. Kenya’s religious geography makes Wajir county an extreme Muslim-minority outpost. — ch. 15
  683. The American War on Terror legitimized China’s Uyghur crackdown — ch. 15
  684. Wearing the veil can be a deliberate political act — ch. 15
  685. Racial categories are unstable social meanings reshaped by political struggle — ch. 15
  686. Western media framed Ukraine as civilized partly because it is European — ch. 15
  687. Media empathy for war victims correlates with whiteness — ch. 15
  688. War expands state power to designate whole classes of people as disloyal — ch. 15
  689. Mainstream political usage has severed the word jihad from its Arabic meaning — ch. 15
  690. Structural Islamophobia operates through institutions enacting security-based policies. — ch. 15
  691. NSA surveillance exceeds Orwell’s 1984 worst-case fictional forecast — ch. 15
  692. Muslim Americans hold nominal but reduced substantive citizenship — ch. 15
  693. Up to two million Uyghurs may be held in Chinese detention camps — ch. 15
  694. Modern NSA surveillance exceeds even Orwell’s 1984 dystopia in scale — ch. 15
  695. Many French banlieue residents trace their ancestry to indigenous Amazigh nations — ch. 15
  696. White supremacist groups globally adopted the slogan from Camus’s manifesto. — ch. 15
  697. China deploys bird-shaped drones to surveil Uyghur populations — ch. 15
  698. Anti-Muslim racism is rooted in empire, not relieved by inclusion. — ch. 15
  699. Islamophobia is a state-driven dialectic shaping popular attitudes toward Muslims — ch. 15
  700. ‘European’ operates as a code word for white that justifies selective international concern — ch. 15
  701. Structural Islamophobia institutionalizes the presumption that Muslim identity threatens national security — ch. 15
  702. Gendered Islamophobia assigns opposite tropes to Muslim women and men — ch. 15
  703. Racial formation is an unstable process transformed by political struggle — ch. 15
  704. China polices Uyghurs through AI-powered panoptic surveillance — ch. 15
  705. Individual and state-inflicted Islamophobia are analytically distinct types — ch. 15
  706. The word jihad has been severed from its formal meaning of struggle. — ch. 15
  707. Racialization is an unstable, never-ending process steered by variable criteria including religion — ch. 15
  708. The West defined itself as the mirror image of the Muslim Orient — ch. 15
  709. Han Chinese comprise roughly 91 percent of China’s population — ch. 15
  710. Xinjiang is also known by the contested name East Turkistan — ch. 15
  711. The European Union helped spread Islamophobia across continents as part of its identity — ch. 16
  712. Few books treat Islamophobia as a transnational, globally interconnected system — ch. 16
  713. Islamophobia functions as a transnational tool advancing American imperial aims — ch. 16
  714. American intellectuals historically exported anti-Muslim views as global ambassadors of prejudice. — ch. 16
  715. American intellectuals and cultural gatekeepers exported anti-Muslim views globally without naming the phenomenon Islamophobia — ch. 16
  716. The 2011 Oxford volume predates India and Myanmar’s violent Islamophobic movements — ch. 16
  717. Islamophobic movements in India and Myanmar are of recent origin — ch. 16
  718. European superiority over Muslim empires enabled racial notions of Muslim inferiority — ch. 16

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