Shapiro, Susan P. — The Social Control of Impersonal Trust

Yield

85 of 190 paragraphs kept (44.7%). Target: 35%+ — on target.

Thesis

Trust enables action before another party’s cooperation is assured. · ch. 0

Argument

  1. The very mechanisms that enable trust also enable its abuse. — ch. 0
  2. Agency relationships multiply because scale creates access barriers to information and property. — ch. 0
  3. Financial institutions signal trustworthiness through names that promise security and faith. — ch. 0
  4. Modern wealth consists of symbolic promises exchanged among strangers. — ch. 0
  5. Trust in economic life arises from social relations rather than morality or institutions alone. — ch. 0
  6. Trust can arise even when transactions are not embedded in social relations. — ch. 0
  7. Social relations enable malfeasance on a larger scale than their absence does. — ch. 0
  8. Trust is a social relationship of investing responsibility in another for uncertain future return. — ch. 0
  9. Mechanisms for controlling impersonal trust themselves create new opportunities for abuse — ch. 0
  10. Geographic distance from information sources drives reliance on agents — ch. 0
  11. Trust is defined as delegating authority for uncertain future returns — ch. 0
  12. Trust emerges from gradually escalated reciprocal exchanges in ongoing relationships — ch. 0
  13. Collective agency shifts trust from persons to future-dated impersonal systems — ch. 0
  14. Agency relationships drive social differentiation and bridge exchange distances — ch. 0
  15. People delegate precisely because they lack the expertise to specify the task. — ch. 1
  16. Principals delegate precisely because they cannot specify or evaluate agent performance. — ch. 1
  17. Trust-based agency relationships fail when the principal cannot exit or evaluate. — ch. 1
  18. Trust is structurally precarious because agents control symbolic wealth at a distance from principals. — ch. 1
  19. Principals spread risk through loans, reinsurance, and swaps to curb agent abuse. — ch. 1
  20. The same factors enabling agency relationships create the opportunity for agent abuse. — ch. 1
  21. Structural opportunity for agent abuse does not explain why agents actually seize it. — ch. 1
  22. Contracts function as a form of norm-making between principals and agents — ch. 1
  23. Personal trust fails where trust must cross corporate intermediaries. — ch. 1
  24. Trust expands the complexity a social system can sustain. — ch. 1
  25. Trust control is a specialized occupation that sidelines ordinary actors — ch. 1
  26. The very conditions that create agency also preclude personalizing trust relationships. — ch. 1
  27. Trust guardians purposefully fuse competing theories of social action — ch. 1
  28. The same features enabling trust also enable agent abuse. — ch. 1
  29. Risk-spreading strategies like securitization exacerbate agency abuse rather than reducing it. — ch. 1
  30. Trust is structurally vulnerable because agents can exploit principals’ ignorance and distance. — ch. 1
  31. Impersonal trust emerges where principals lose direct power to regulate agents. — ch. 1
  32. Secrecy and distance structurally prevent principals from monitoring agents. — ch. 1
  33. Even parties who trust personally still adopt contracts. — ch. 1
  34. Principals mitigate distrust by hoarding wealth, self-sufficiency, or acquiring expertise. — ch. 1
  35. People respond to trust risks by reducing reliance on agents, at great cost. — ch. 1
  36. Gatekeeping mechanisms like licensing and peer review make trustees reproduce themselves in choosing successors. — ch. 2
  37. Role competence is defined minimally as following basic procedural norms, not achieving good outcomes. — ch. 2
  38. Trusted agents face a dense lattice of institutional surveillance. — ch. 2
  39. Organizations structurally sever intimate and financial ties that compromise fiduciary disinterestedness. — ch. 2
  40. Protestant sect membership certificates once functioned as portable credit for strangers — ch. 2
  41. Courts hold directors liable for decisions made without adequate deliberation. — ch. 2
  42. Procedural norms substitute for substantive control when outcomes are hard to specify. — ch. 2
  43. Uncertainty-reduction strategies induce rather than replace trust. — ch. 2
  44. Journalistic objectivity is a recent convention enabling shared trust markers rather than actual truth. — ch. 2
  45. Job rotation and deliberate redundancy deter collusion by raising conspiracy reorganization costs. — ch. 2
  46. Procedural rules for information offer conventions, not objective truth, for interpreting agents’ data. — ch. 2
  47. Self-dealing spans conflicts of interest, exploitation of organizational resources, and insider trading. — ch. 2
  48. Modern trustee training mirrors Weberian charismatic education in asceticism and testing — ch. 2
  49. Fiduciary integrity is secured by severing agents from private loyalties and holdings — ch. 2
  50. Fiduciary duties respond to generic trustee opportunities for abuse through custody, access, and expertise. — ch. 2
  51. Self-regulation protects against fringe abuses while shielding mainstream misconduct. — ch. 3
  52. Even honest guardians may not actually deliver the protection principals assume. — ch. 3
  53. Institutional trust guardians offer advance protection against future agent misconduct. — ch. 3
  54. Insurance and collateral fail as trust substitutes because they themselves demand trust. — ch. 3
  55. The institutions that police trust are themselves trustees subject to the same agency problems. — ch. 3
  56. Guardians of trust are themselves positioned to abuse the trust placed in them. — ch. 3
  57. Modern commerce protects agency relationships through layered insurance and bonding — ch. 3
  58. Redundant oversight networks can either cushion or cascade failures — ch. 3
  59. Structural conflicts of interest make independent auditors structurally incapable of full candor. — ch. 3
  60. Private self-regulators can beat external regulators on knowledge and trust. — ch. 3
  61. Insurance on institutional trustees both creates moral hazard and enables ancillary social control. — ch. 3
  62. Guardians of trust are themselves wide open to bribery and cooptation. — ch. 3
  63. Outside trust inspectors must infer trustee quality from indirect evidence. — ch. 3
  64. Guarantees merely shift trust to a further party, not remove it — ch. 3
  65. Some fraudsters seek certification knowing corrupt inspectors will approve them. — ch. 3
  66. Principals collectivize trust oversight to gain leverage through embedded ties. — ch. 3
  67. Credit rating firms now function as regulators whose ratings corporations actively negotiate around. — ch. 3
  68. Rating agencies increasingly function as rule makers rather than neutral judges. — ch. 3
  69. Fraudsters exploit trust in overseers by forging faux regulators — ch. 3
  70. Third-party trust guardians create new opportunities for exploitation. — ch. 4
  71. Controlling trust institutions increases dissatisfaction with their offerings. — ch. 4
  72. Impersonal trust persists despite agency tensions and varies greatly across conditions. — ch. 4
  73. Guardians of trust are themselves trustees requiring ever-higher-order oversight — ch. 4
  74. Trust institutions vary dramatically in the guardianship they receive — ch. 4
  75. Journalistic rules of impartiality suppress reporters’ own inferences — ch. 4
  76. Controlling trust creates new opportunities for abuse in an inflationary spiral. — ch. 4
  77. Social-control remedies reproduce the structural vulnerabilities they target. — ch. 4
  78. Guardians’ reliability can decay over time, defeating static trust guarantees — ch. 4
  79. Excessive legal rigidity aimed at mistrust produces misgovernment — ch. 4
  80. Nineteenth-century Americans shunned life insurance as hazardous but embraced trust business. — ch. 4
  81. Trust constraint-setting trades false alarms against missed betrayals. — ch. 4
  82. Escalating trust guardianship distorts the original agency purpose — ch. 4
  83. Credit ratings can be rented, shifting risk onto investors who trust them. — ch. 4
  84. Portfolio insurance designed to limit losses can amplify market volatility. — ch. 4

Annotation Roundup

Question