Philip Mirowski & Dieter Plehwe (eds.) — The Road from Mont Pèlerin: The Making of the Neoliberal Thought Collective

838 published claims from this book.

• 1950s development economics featured real debates, not a single orthodoxy
• A 1968 left-wing economist already warned that the new right was winning the argument
• A competitive order requires deliberate legal and institutional construction
• A contemporary critic charged neoliberals with insulating themselves from serious outside intellectual challenge
• A contemporary Swiss report omitted the MPS’s leading development economists from its account
• A coup enabled economists to capture a whole state’s economic machinery
• A factions split over renewing versus preserving liberalism marked the Colloque’s founding
• A foreign-funded think tank inserted itself directly into Peruvian policymaking
• A founding ordoliberal thinker condemned Western colonialism as a chain of crimes against humanity
• A Frei-era planning agency seeded Pinochet’s economic reform team
• A French 1938 colloquium provided the institutional model for the Mont Pèlerin Society.
• A French party explicitly called its program ‘neoliberalism’ in 1945
• A Labour government pioneered European competition and anti-cartel law
• A prominent free-market economist pioneered battery hen farming in Britain
• A prominent Scottish laissez-faire advocate published in 1929
• A radical corporatist ‘gremialista’ movement emerged at Chile’s Catholic University
• A think tank’s expertise marketing successfully dismantled a UN regulatory body.
• A wartime planner blamed Britain’s postwar crisis on state planning itself
• Aaron Director failed to deliver the planned American Road to Serfdom
• Aaron Director in 1950 declared competition would destroy all monopoly absent government
• Aaron Director’s conversion from leftist politics shaped the Chicago School’s formation
• Academic ideas deliberately seeded among educators eventually shape public opinion
• Academics from the Austrian emigration dominated the MPS’s US leadership until the 1960s
• AfDR’s 1940 economics group housed ordoliberals in two working groups
• Amateur collaborative editing can yield balanced and reliable information
• American backers viewed European members as useful despite ideological gaps
• American business anti-union factions recruited MPS economists for legitimacy
• American business money funded even the insular, anti-policy Mont Pèlerin Society.
• American participation in the network jumped sharply after the war.
• American union monopoly raised wages over five percent yearly after policy shifts.
• An intellectual movement’s survival can hinge on a single key individual.
• An MPS founder quit the society over the Hunold-Hayek dispute and demanded its liquidation
• Anglo-American academics resist studying the 1,200-member Mont Pèlerin network as collective thought
• Anti-New Deal businessmen funded and networked early neoliberalism, contradicting the marginality myth
• Antitrust law alone was seen as insufficient against corporate concentration of power.
• Antitrust law’s presumptions cannot be isolated from prevailing economic theory
• At least 136 Mont Pèlerin members staffed affiliated think tanks
• Atlas Foundation directly engineered the structure of Peru’s flagship neoliberal institution.
• Atlas Foundation exported the neoliberal think-tank model worldwide
• Ayau founded Latin America’s first neoliberal think tank in 1959.
• Bank-funded research showed property titling failed to increase credit for the poor
• Bauer anticipated the new political economy’s skepticism of predatory states
• Bauer argued foreign aid encouraged state ownership and bureaucratic growth in developing countries
• Bauer argued industrialization did not require government intervention or raw materials
• Bauer championed private foreign investment and bourgeois virtues against development orthodoxy
• Bauer claimed Western contact, not aid, drove Third World material progress
• Bauer contended aid mainly enriches the wealthy in poor countries
• Bauer defined development as widening freely chosen options, not mere output growth
• Bauer held that foreign aid cannot promote growth and persists mainly from Western guilt
• Bauer held that wage regulation itself creates labor exploitation by suppressing competition
• Bauer mounted a critical attack on Myrdal’s development works
• Bauer rejected GDP per capita statistics as misleading measures of development
• Bauer rejected the developed-underdeveloped dichotomy and vicious-cycle-of-poverty analysis as fallacious
• Bauer’s anti-aid polemics won state and institutional honors despite scholarly dismissals
• Bauer’s development papers completed the constitution of neoliberal discourse as economic-first
• Bauer’s famous anti-aid critique relied on generality rather than earlier empirical work
• Bauer’s once-heretical development views moved closer to mainstream economics than Myrdal’s
• Big donors could dictate the MPS agenda and displace Hayek’s intellectual leadership
• Big-business funders backing anticommunist causes also funded the Mont Pèlerin Society
• Bismarck’s welfare state aimed to undermine Social Democracy, not just relieve poverty
• Bombing threat kept British plants small and firms dispersed
• Brazil’s early neoliberal intellectuals entered MPS through peripheral engagement
• Britain’s 1931 protectionist shift drove Keynes to write his General Theory.
• Britain’s exceptionally urbanized working class was unique among European nations
• Britain’s welfare state was a Liberal, not Labour, innovation
• British governments began managing production capacity economically years before World War II.
• British industrial decline traces to outdated machinery by the 1960s
• British neoliberalism inverted the traditional priority of political over economic freedom
• British neoliberalism was incubated outside academia by the Institute of Economic Affairs
• British party labels shifted unpredictably across a century of market-state politics
• British political confusion pushed liberalism into economics alone
• British postwar academia made free-market critique incompatible with career legitimacy.
• British wartime economists mostly returned to academia after 1945
• Brunner coined the term monetarism and created the Shadow Open Market Committee.
• Brunner’s REMM model seeded the MPS’s institution-design agenda across all social science.
• Business conservatives funding the postwar right were not cleanly neoliberal
• Business elites actively cultivated Hayek and promoted his ideas widely
• Business elites organized against labor via church infiltration after World War II
• Business funding of libertarian academia was contested over membership composition
• Business opponents rhetorically equated the New Deal with totalitarianism
• Business patrons funded free market ideas while fearing intellectual disloyalty
• By 2000 Heritage’s budget dwarfed UNCTAD’s and continued growing while UNCTAD’s shrank.
• By the 1980s the Mont Pèlerin network held a coherent doctrinal configuration.
• Cannan’s old-fashioned economics style transmitted to Robbins and Plant
• Capitalism and Freedom originated as a Volker Fund project delivered a decade late
• Carl Schmitt had anticipated Hayek’s liberal-competition argument decades earlier
• Cato’s Friedman Prize institutionalized the Bauer-to-de Soto lineage
• Certainty-driven per se rules threatened antitrust’s common law flexibility
• Chicago and ordoliberal monopoly views converged in the immediate postwar period
• Chicago and ordoliberal positions on monopoly were initially similar, not opposed
• Chicago antitrust doctrine was refined and broadened by Bork, Stigler, and Posner
• Chicago antitrust reformers rejected per se illegality for exclusionary business practices
• Chicago Boys and gremialistas overlapped heavily rather than being distinct factions.
• Chicago economic theory was to displace fair-conduct rules as the basis for antitrust decisions
• Chicago economists rejected Hayek because Road to Serfdom was too popular a work
• Chicago economists resisted Hayek’s Austrian methodology, demanding empirical research instead.
• Chicago liberal economists by 1951 consciously saw themselves as reformulating liberalism.
• Chicago neoliberalism recoded freedom so no economic transaction could count as coercive
• Chicago neoliberals abandoned antitrust hostility to monopoly within a decade
• Chicago neoliberals reversed course to treat monopoly as benign and rarely present
• Chicago principals dropped the word neoliberal even as they continued advocating its content.
• Chicago recruited Chile’s Catholic University as a laboratory to test its economics
• Chicago School antitrust argued monopoly power could not spread via listed abusive practices
• Chicago School neoliberalism departed from classical and German liberalism over corporate concentration
• Chicago-school doctrine directly guided Chilean deregulation while reinforcing rather than weakening authoritarian rule.
• Chicago-school economists broke with classical liberalism by defending some price fixing.
• Chicago-trained economists and gremialistas joined forces in university politics before the coup
• Chicago-trained economists filled key Chilean ministries under Pinochet
• Chicago-trained economists spread neoliberal ideas among Chilean capitalists through business associations
• Chicago-trained economists were placed throughout the Chilean state before the 1973 coup.
• Chicago’s 1956 Chile program trained thirty economists and reshaped nationwide economics teaching
• Chicago’s economics and law schools developed jointly rather than sequentially
• Chicago’s postwar economics department harbored socialist and institutionalist factions
• Chicken factory farming profits financed the founding of the Institute of Economic Affairs
• Chile abolished import substitution and embraced export-led liberalization in the mid-1970s
• Chile privatized even profitable state firms beyond crisis-nationalized ones, deepening foreign capital ties
• Chile’s 1979 labor law weakened unions by forcing them to compete and individualizing bargaining
• Chile’s 1980 constitution embedded Hayekian free-market ideals within a repressive state structure.
• Chile’s 1982 crisis forced the removal of orthodox neoliberal ministers from office
• Chile’s constitution fused Hayekian economics with patriarchal authoritarian concepts
• Chile’s coup and Allende’s death sobered the UN’s Group of Experts on multinational corporations.
• Chile’s neoliberal economic model survived the transition to democracy despite electoral defeat
• Chile’s privatized pensions enriched two conglomerates while excluding the armed forces
• Chile’s traditional right founded a new authoritarian nationalist party after electoral collapse
• Chilean business associations organized economic sabotage to overthrow Allende
• Chilean corporatist thinkers like Guzmán converged with neoliberalism on antistatism and subsidiarity
• Chilean neoliberalism cannot be explained by domestic factors alone.
• Chilean neoliberalism developed in distinguishable stages each with distinct theory.
• Chilean neoliberalism drew on Hayek and Buchanan, not only Chicago monetarists.
• Chilean neoliberalism drew on multiple schools, not Chicago economics alone.
• Chilean neoliberalism was adapted contextually, not imported as a ready-made doctrine.
• Chilean neoliberals founded think tanks to preserve their influence after losing power
• Chilean privatization concentrated wealth in conglomerates while state kept strategic sectors
• Classical liberalism originally tolerated state intervention and mercantilism.
• Classical liberalism prioritized political freedom over economic liberty.
• Classical liberals lacked the disposition to organize political movements for liberty
• Coase’s transaction-cost theory undermined the belief in bureaucratic planning efficiency
• Cold War America funded economics training in Latin America partly to counter Marxism
• Cold War anti-communism whitewashed ordoliberals’ Nazi-era roles
• Cold War anticommunism and colonial economics stunted early neoliberal development thinking
• Cold War polarization radicalized French neoliberalism and narrowed its earlier cross-class audience.
• Cold War rivalry led US agencies to fund state-led socialist-style development abroad.
• Cold War security needs made the welfare state an intolerable impertinence for neoliberals
• Cold War superpower rivalry froze UN membership and pushed new states to Bandung.
• Colonial economics assumed colonies should export raw materials, not industrialize
• Colonialism brought material progress to the Third World.
• Commodity boom timing drove the South’s brief bargaining advantage at the UN
• Competitive forces would discipline even the largest mergermade corporations
• Conditional aid can leverage policy reform in poor countries
• Conflating globalized capitalism with neoliberalism collapses distinct hegemonic constellations
• Conglomerate failures during the 1980s discredited both Chilean neoliberalism and the junta.
• Conservatives caricatured Third World corruption claims to discredit the NIEO agenda.
• Contemporary classical liberals like Viner saw the Chicago conferences as ideologically rigid and loaded
• Contemporary mainstream economics retains occluded traces of MPS neoliberalism.
• Corporate and family money funded the Mont Pelerin Society’s American meeting
• Corporate cooperation with the UNCTC eroded when research results displeased firms.
• Corporate funding made the first Mont Pèlerin meeting financially possible
• Corporate money shaped Mont Pèlerin debates by steering theory toward practical business problems
• Corporate restructuring since the 1970s stems from the neoliberal view of corporations.
• Corporatist gremialismo served as the intellectual-recruitment base for Chile’s coup
• Crane recruited American corporate executives into the Mont Pèlerin Society
• Crane wanted European scholars to absorb American business culture
• Crane’s religiosity may have driven his doubts about Mont Pelerin
• Crisis-driven political consolidation enabled Friedman’s radical shock-therapy model to shape Chile’s reforms.
• De Soto attributed informal economic activity to state overregulation, not backwardness
• De Soto marketed property titling as an anti-terrorist alternative to Maoist revolution.
• De Soto’s authority rested on his Third World identity endorsing self-blame
• De Soto’s property-titling institute was attacked by Sendero Luminoso.
• De Soto’s theory of informal property grew from a failed Peruvian mining venture
• De Soto’s titling survey was repurposed to cut bank credit-assessment costs
• De Soto’s titling thesis drew plausibility from neoliberal ideology, not field evidence.
• Democratizing the franchise decimated the British Liberal Party’s vote share
• Dennison defended British trade unions as props of the market economy
• Depression-era American conservatism was weak as an intellectual force
• Developing countries conceded a voluntary, two-sided code for multinationals
• Development and underdevelopment were absent from the Mont Pèlerin Society’s founding agenda
• Development debates forced neoliberals to confront state character, trade, and socialism together
• Development economics emerged as a heterodox discipline that traditional neoclassical economists opposed
• Development economics entered the MPS agenda via Mises’s 1951 proposal
• Development economics was a persistent MPS concern, not a marginal one
• Director advocated state action against monopoly, combinations, and monetary instability.
• Director and Levi’s 1956 antitrust article culminated both the FMS and the Antitrust Project.
• Director believed the failed project added to Simons’s disappointments
• Director headed an elite Chicago Law School antitrust network from 1953 to 1957
• Director held that market monopoly power does not spill across separate markets
• Director in 1946 still treated monopoly as politically objectionable
• Director saw patents as crucial to creating and maintaining industrial monopoly.
• Director’s antitrust position and its shift marked a key departure from klassical liberalism
• Director’s revised liberalism prescribed a state role in creating competition.
• Disguised unemployment cannot occur where land remains abundant relative to population
• Disputes over the word neoliberalism signaled real disagreement over its content
• Each discipline’s biases shape how it studies the neoliberal network
• Early 19th-century British limited government was mostly a matter of bankrupt finances.
• Early 2000s scholars debated Wikipedia’s reliability as a knowledge source
• Early Chicago economists saw private monopoly as a lesser evil than public regulation
• Early Chicago liberal Simons advocated abolishing fractional-reserve banking and heavy wealth redistribution
• Early classical liberals saw monopoly as a threat to democratic politics.
• Early conservative intellectuals felt isolated from business, which they believed embraced New Deal liberalism
• Early European neoliberals privileged economic over political freedom
• Early IEA figures were seen as harmless eccentrics by contemporaries
• Early liberal revival figures had financial ties to fascist movements
• Early Mont Pèlerin members held a friendly stance toward certain unions
• Early Mont Pèlerin Society activity depended on small ideological think tanks for funding
• Early MPS development economists prescribed agricultural export specialization over industrialization for poor countries
• Early MPS development scholarship was plural, not purely Misesian
• Early MPS figures endorsed labor participation in business as a counterweight to state intervention
• Early MPS members rejected industrial peace as a wage-distorting goal
• Early MPS neoliberals rejected universal industrialization in favor of local diversity.
• Early neoliberal development economics reproduced colonial division of labor while anticipating export-oriented trade strategies
• Early neoliberal development theory echoed colonial assumptions about non-Western peoples
• Early neoliberal development thought prescribed conservative reform and was not yet confident.
• Early neoliberal thinkers blamed corporations, not government, for regulatory capture
• Early neoliberals condemned union power as coercive while endorsing corporate concentration.
• Early neoliberals proposed abolishing core labor law to curb union power.
• Early neoliberals saw large unions as monopoly threats distorting wages
• Early neoliberals treated public regulation as a greater threat than private monopoly
• Early ordoliberal and Austrian critiques of parliamentarism harbored authoritarian leanings
• Early ordoliberal sympathy for unions disappeared from later MPS views
• Early ordoliberalism demanded a strong independent state to counter organized interests
• Early Sherman Act enforcement targeted the largest merged corporations and their abusive practices
• ECLA made Santiago the ideological counterweight hub against neoliberal economics
• Economic ‘natural experiments’ depend on prior policy programs, not nature
• Economic independence ideals were replaced by corporate-citizenship governance framed by the UN Global Compact.
• Economic models resist testing because agents self-select into treatments
• Economics actively shapes the economy rather than merely describing it
• Economics tests claims by treating the world itself as a laboratory.
• Economists concede that so-called natural experiments are rarely truly natural.
• Economists’ natural experiments depend on infrastructure built by real-world projects
• Eisenhower’s moderate Republicanism drove business conservatives to abandon populist mass campaigns for elite influence
• Erhard’s social market economy concept belonged to the ordoliberal mainstream.
• Eucken borrowed Stackelberg’s two-system typology but endorsed only the politically framed market economy
• Eucken reconciled German historical and theoretical economics through ideal-type abstractions
• Even allied neoliberal media refused to publish Hayek’s defense of Pinochet
• Even early MPS figures split over whether to reject foreign aid entirely
• Even founding members clashed over whether wealth concentration claims were Marxist
• Even free-trade economists endorsed MNC regulation guidelines in the late 1970s.
• Evidence for titling’s virtuous ownership cycle collapses under scrutiny of closed think-tank circuits.
• Exiled antifascist economists lent legitimacy to ordoliberals who stayed in Germany
• Experimental findings in economics circulate and reinforce the facts of the field
• Factional splits within the junta delayed the neoliberal turn
• Field’s titling study results may reflect political context rather than property effects
• Fieldwork-based development economists shaped MPS ranks and conservative policy
• Fixed legal rules beat discretionary state power even when imperfect
• For Röpke, the market economy needs an extra-economic sociological framework to be defensible
• Foreign aid critics deny any shared international moral community obligating North-to-South transfers
• Foreign credit masked the painful side-effects of Chile’s shock therapy
• Foundation funding and private research work shaped early neoliberal career paths
• Foundation patrons demanded control, rejecting purely theoretical liberal projects
• Frank Knight is misattributed as Chicago School founder, obscuring Hayek’s role
• Frank Knight’s personal influence was central to creating the Chicago libertarian tradition
• Free traders rationalized export-led primary production over industrial diversification with self-contradictory logic
• Free-market advocacy was politically marginal in Britain until the late 1970s
• Free-market economists and corporatist rightists were forced to compromise by joint campaigns
• Free-trade agitation united British working and middle classes across class lines
• French businessmen built pro-market advocacy groups with Cold War support.
• French economists rejected Keynesianism as illegitimate from a left-wing perspective
• French employer organizations held radically divergent versions of postwar liberalism
• French employers’ federation CNPF financed the Mont Pèlerin Society’s European operations
• French liberals founded ALEPS as a counterweight to Marxist intellectual events
• French neoliberalism emerged from the double discrediting of classical liberalism and socialist planning.
• French neoliberalism fragmented after 1945 for lack of a coordinating institution
• French neoliberalism split into administrative and radical faces that mutually supported each other
• French planners sought a rationalized capitalism rather than socialism or old liberalism.
• French Social Catholicism and left-wing neoliberalism shared an intellectual proximity
• French trade union leaders joined neoliberal circles to fight communist influence
• French-language scholarship traces the Mont Pèlerin Society’s founding to elite amateur origins.
• Friedman and Hayek sought corporate sponsorship for popular free-market books
• Friedman came to see competition as the natural check limiting monopoly power
• Friedman came to see monopoly as persisting only through explicit government support
• Friedman reversed the classical liberal claim that monopoly suppresses competition
• Friedman saw market expansion as reducing the need for political deliberation
• Friedman’s Capitalism and Freedom evaded engagement with opponents and defined away monopoly
• Friedman’s positive-normative economics boundary cannot be trusted at face value
• Funders sought to shape MPS program and membership through their money
• G-77 formed at 1964 UNCTAD and won its institutionalization
• German ordoliberalism combined a strong-state Ordnungspolitik with sociocultural individualism and postwar integrationism
• German ordoliberalism insisted on actively ordering competition, unlike Anglo-neoliberalism
• German ordoliberalism kept neoclassical equilibrium theory while the Austrian school diverged from it
• German ordoliberals and Austrian neoliberals differ only in emphasis, not substance
• German ordoliberals forged a united coalition that France’s lacked
• German ordoliberals’ freedom was limited to economic, not political, liberty
• German scholars documented the Mont Pèlerin Society’s defense of Pinochet’s dictatorship.
• German theorists also birthed neoliberalism, with Rüstow urging liberal interventionism
• German unions demanded co-determination beyond the enterprise, at sector and macro levels
• Germany replaced England as the global center of political ideas after 1870
• Giant firms’ efficiency is a vestigial reputation masking political self-preservation.
• Gudin backed agrarian credit policy but opposed redistribution of land
• Gudin rejected industrialization strategy in favor of agricultural investment
• Haberler’s 1959 critique of Prebisch-Singer did not contradict the GATT report bearing his name
• Haberler’s career spanned the Austrian school, League of Nations, Harvard, and AEI.
• Hayek and Mises pragmatically supported Germany’s social market economy despite theoretical objections
• Hayek and other Mont Pèlerin founders co-edited a 1971 libertarian festschrift volume.
• Hayek and Simons formed an intellectual alliance by 1939
• Hayek argued democracy and liberalism can diverge, with democracy potentially turning anti-liberal
• Hayek believed the IEA method alone could win intellectuals worldwide
• Hayek blamed foreign ideas, not democracy itself, for liberalism’s decline.
• Hayek blamed Germanic ideas, not industrialization, for British statism
• Hayek claimed a self-limiting dictatorship can out-liberalize an unbounded democracy
• Hayek contrasted the well-funded communist international network with the liberal movement’s poverty
• Hayek deliberately included ideologically-neutral members to widen coalition appeal
• Hayek directly legitimized Pinochet’s dictatorship as more liberal than unrestricted democracy.
• Hayek dismissed ‘social’ as an empty weasel-word corrupting real meanings
• Hayek distinguished authoritarian from totalitarian regimes to exempt Chile from criticism
• Hayek drew his critique of liberal jurisprudence from Carl Schmitt, a Nazi jurist
• Hayek founded a closed society to repair classical liberalism’s conceptual flaws
• Hayek framed unions as distortions of spontaneous order requiring legal disenfranchisement
• Hayek funded successive Chicago projects targeting antitrust law and monopoly doctrine.
• Hayek held liberalism adaptive, maximizing spontaneity and minimizing coercion
• Hayek held that ideas, not vested interests, ultimately shape political possibility
• Hayek justified markets by dispersed knowledge, not happiness maximization
• Hayek met Friedman late and never saw him as primary partner.
• Hayek misattributed capitalism’s bureaucratization to foreign ideas rather than its internal dynamics.
• Hayek personally founded both the Chicago School and the Mont Pèlerin Society
• Hayek personally opposed strong intellectual property despite his followers endorsing it
• Hayek personally recruited Aaron Director and founded the Chicago School
• Hayek publicly defended self-limiting dictatorships as possibly more liberal than unrestrained democracy
• Hayek ranked freedom above democracy and would temporarily sacrifice democratic procedure for it
• Hayek rejected capital-labor collaboration as monopoly-promoting
• Hayek rejected ideological purity tests among the Society’s members
• Hayek saw journalists and teachers as idea dealers who shape public opinion
• Hayek saw the Chicago project and Mont Pèlerin as one strategy
• Hayek saw trade-union power as the thorniest question for reviving a free economy.
• Hayek was not a prominent figure at LSE, Robbins and Plant dominated
• Hayek, Machlup, and Haberler all trained under von Mises in interwar Vienna.
• Hayek’s academy aimed to build shared belief rather than only disseminate finished scholarship
• Hayek’s American Road project was subordinate to a larger liberal movement
• Hayek’s anti-union radicalism won out by silencing rival MPS views
• Hayek’s distinctive skill was coalition-building sensitivity rather than Mill-style openness
• Hayek’s English-vs-German framing collapses when read through German interwar debates
• Hayek’s epistemology drew on the same tacit-embodied model as Polanyi’s science
• Hayek’s ethical-reconstruction ambition failed within the Mont Pèlerin Society
• Hayek’s knowledge schema treats information as a disembodied good
• Hayek’s memoirs downplayed how receptive he was to Luhnow’s commission
• Hayek’s political solution resembled Schmitt’s total state despite his liberal self-image
• Hazlitt was a founding network node bridging journalism and the MPS
• Henry Simons anchored Hayek’s Chicago network through his closeness to Hutchins
• Henry Simons favored Procrustean bright-line antitrust rules over judicial discretion
• Henry Simons’s suicide nearly derailed Hayek’s Chicago institute plan
• Hensel proposed equalizing property rights with labor power rights inside enterprises
• Heritage Foundation pioneered the activist advocacy think tank model
• Heritage pre-positioned a policy blueprint for the anticipated Reagan administration
• Heritage’s founder learned IEA’s research-driven advocacy model in London
• Heritage’s founder ran an American offshoot of the Mont Pèlerin Society
• Heritage’s UN project attacked the NIEO’s regulation of transnational corporations.
• Hernando de Soto’s Third World framing gave his ideas credibility Geneva-based voices lacked
• Hirschman published a landmark history of development economics in 1981.
• Historians misdate neoliberal influence because genesis preceded impact by decades.
• Historians underestimate how much German ordoliberals and Hayek actually agreed.
• Human rights objections gave lenders leverage to demand stricter economic orthodoxy
• Institutions promoted flawed property-titling projects as successes to secure further funding
• Intellectual and idea history is one part of wider social transformation studies
• Interdepartmental hostility drove Henry Simons’s move to the Law School
• Interpretation of experiments depends on the history of their implementation
• Interwar British free market economics faced contempt from mainstream figures
• Interwar British liberalism re-founded itself on economics rather than politics
• Interwar Vienna produced the extra-academic intellectual networks that seeded neoliberalism
• ITT’s activities in Chile triggered the UN’s first major study of multinationals
• Japanese planners scrapped their first five-year plan because growth outpaced it
• Key market-liberal economist Shenfield remained remarkably obscure
• Key MPS historiographies remain untranslated from German, limiting access
• Keynes himself was a Liberal party member
• Knight and Simons’s intellectual divergence by the mid-1940s loosened their personal bond.
• Labor legislation once counted as core economic liberty, not socialist encroachment.
• Lal coined the LIEO as a deliberate counter-term to the NIEO
• Lal saw World Bank aid as Western self-soothing rather than genuine assistance
• Lane rejected the idea that donors should not dictate recipients’ views
• Later ordoliberals reframed their anti-pluralism as opposing only wrong kinds of group participation
• Latin American agriculture defies generalization across products and countries
• League of Nations fostered an early global social science network ahead of neoliberalism.
• Left-wing radicalization, not right-wing opposition, made Labour unelectable for two decades
• Liberal and corporate pluralism differ over minority legal standing.
• Liberalism’s founding assembly split over ends versus means of freedom
• Libertarians distinguish their non-interventionist politics from neoliberal interventionism despite shared economics.
• Lippmann framed totalitarianism as absence of private property rather than lack of democracy
• Lippmann’s 1937 Good Society launched the neoliberal program against Depression-era orthodoxy
• Lippmann’s neoliberal manifesto looks socialist compared to the new laissez-faire agenda
• LSE represented mainstream British economics more than Oxbridge by the 1950s
• LSE’s distance-learning network reached students across Britain and the Empire
• LSE’s leading liberal drafted the wartime framework that became Keynesian management
• LSE’s pedagogic reach made its simple economic principles influential across Britain
• Machlup recruited William Hutt into the 1949 Seelisberg meeting.
• Mainstream economics dismissed dissenting figures for lacking mathematical rhetoric
• Major left-wing intellectuals have often misdefined or conflated neoliberalism
• Majority decision-making involves coercion that must be minimized to protect freedom
• Measuring state size misses how the same state can enforce greater freedom
• Merely calling neoliberals fractured fails to define neoliberalism.
• Mill’s 1859 rule-of-law state barely outlasted Mill’s own lifetime
• Milton Friedman downplayed trade unions’ real effect on wages
• Milton Friedman saw concentrated corporate power as a social problem in 1947
• Milton Friedman’s 1951 manifesto defined neoliberalism as a competitive order requiring an active state.
• Milton Friedman’s real role was network organizer, not original theorist
• Mises launched the socialist calculation debate against Austro-Marxists and scientific Marxism
• Mises originated liberal intervention criteria in the 1920s, but never systematized them
• Mont Pèlerin circles shaped postwar German currency policy but lost on antitrust.
• Mont Pèlerin economists helped manufacture ignorance after the 2008 crash
• Mont Pèlerin members held substantial agricultural economics expertise
• Mont Pèlerin members privately conceded the state is unavoidable and only its share matters
• Mont Pèlerin members saw depoliticized workplace partnership as compatible with free society.
• Mont Pèlerin members silently accepted Pinochet’s authoritarian rule at the 1981 meeting
• Mont Pèlerin members supplied the core theory behind privatization, deregulation, and liberalization.
• Mont Pèlerin neoliberalism framed market economy as governed by an elite citizenry’s social conscience
• Mont Pèlerin Society co-founder Albert Hunold edited German-language volumes on developing regions.
• Mont Pèlerin Society members disagreed sharply over development policy in the 1950s
• Mont Pelerin Society premises on monopoly underpinned the Chicago Antitrust Project
• Mont Pèlerin thought exceeds the three doctrines critics attribute to it
• Mont Pèlerin’s founders felt isolated and despairing in 1947
• Most volunteer work on Wikipedia is spent fighting vandalism and edit disputes
• MPS founders disagreed sharply over whether unions were inherently harmful.
• MPS fused disciplines and professions into a transacademic knowledge machine beyond single disciplines
• MPS members circulated neoliberal ideas through sympathetic periodicals like Farmand
• MPS members disagreed among themselves over whether foreign investment hurts recipients
• MPS members helped shape the Washington Consensus through personal teaching ties.
• MPS members moved between academia and corporate governance in postwar Germany
• MPS members rejected laissez-faire while insisting neoliberal principles suited underdeveloped countries
• MPS members resisted donor interference in program decisions
• MPS revisionism shaped Bauer’s denial that Western colonialism caused Third World poverty.
• MPS’s development turn drew on prewar émigré networks and colonial ties
• Müller-Armack turned ordoliberal theory into a political implementation strategy
• Multiple lines of economic thought coexisted within Nazi Germany despite its totalitarianism
• Naomi Klein identified Carl Schmitt’s sovereign-emergency doctrine as a core neoliberal tenet
• Nationalization disputes over applicable law blocked the UN corporate code
• Natural experiments always depend on prior political interventions
• Natural experiments use policy changes to produce quasi-random variation in data
• Nazi economic policy vacillation made ordoliberals hope their competition model would gain favor
• Near-complete code talks were abandoned due to NIEO political taint
• Near-starvation made Germans fear economic planning and accept markets
• Neoconservatism and neoliberalism remain contested as distinct or overlapping schools
• Neoliberal ‘spontaneous order’ rhetoric masked deliberately orchestrated institutional networks
• Neoliberal advocacy outlasted the NIEO’s political viability as a threat
• Neoliberal antitrust claims preceded the empirical work meant to support them
• Neoliberal backers believed a canonical text was a precondition for movement success
• Neoliberal competition theory emerged at Chicago within about four years
• Neoliberal complaints about big government fuel further privatization that expands government.
• Neoliberal continuity survived via pragmatic adjustment, not doctrinal purity
• Neoliberal critique deployed a two-pronged argument against planning
• Neoliberal development economics emerged parallel to, not after, mainstream development theory
• Neoliberal development hegemony emerged from both opportunity structures and intellectual mobilization.
• Neoliberal development theorists formed a cohesive mutual-reference network by 1958 despite internal divergence.
• Neoliberal development thought began decades before its late-1970s influence.
• Neoliberal development thought predated and coexisted with left-wing theories rather than countering them
• Neoliberal discourse conflated the transcendental with epistemic claims about human frailty
• Neoliberal doctrines crossed borders stripped of context and were adapted into domestic traditions
• Neoliberal economists disagreed sharply on whether foreign aid does harm
• Neoliberal foundations packaged property-rights doctrine into high school teaching materials
• Neoliberal freedom is recoded as negative liberty to protect market supremacy
• Neoliberal funders admitted success in economics but failure in humanities disciplines.
• Neoliberal ideas penetrated even nominally hostile parties and communist states
• Neoliberal ideas reframed anti-union business positions as good judgment rather than reactionary politics
• Neoliberal ideas spread despite the movement being marginalized and unpopular.
• Neoliberal institutions aimed to build a new creed, not revive old liberalism
• Neoliberal intellectuals coordinated an attack against the New International Economic Order.
• Neoliberal intellectuals distrusted business leaders and sought to reeducate them
• Neoliberal intellectuals formed a thought collective as a unit
• Neoliberal intellectuals helped overthrow Allende before codifying any new-liberalism doctrine.
• Neoliberal law and economics replaced rule-of-law with economic reason for judges
• Neoliberal limited government rhetoric coexists with a strong police and military state.
• Neoliberal network activity blurred boundaries between national schools of thought
• Neoliberal networks organized their intellectual labor as military-style artillery divisions
• Neoliberal organization was deliberately structured as layered, opaque concentric circles
• Neoliberal organizations coordinated their strategy through shared conferences
• Neoliberal policies produced experiments whose results fed yet more neoliberal projects
• Neoliberal policy experiments are preconditions that make economic research findings possible
• Neoliberal reform in Chile depended on propaganda and a coercive military regime
• Neoliberal reforms can proceed without an authoritarian political system
• Neoliberal restructuring programs served as whole-economy experiments producing economic facts.
• Neoliberal rhetoric evokes free markets while quietly relying on a strong state
• Neoliberal rhetoric slurs the past into the present to keep old enemies alive
• Neoliberal shocks drove urban refugees into mobile rural-urban livelihoods rather than resettlement
• Neoliberal spontaneous-order rhetoric masks theorists’ Schmittian power to define state sovereignty
• Neoliberal theorists could recast imperialism as a civilizing expansion of legal order.
• Neoliberal theory has no answer to a free society producing enemies of itself.
• Neoliberal think tanks deliberately concealed their political aims from the public in the 1950s.
• Neoliberal think-tank networks manufactured an international bestseller phenomenon
• Neoliberal thinkers worried wartime controls would accustom publics to permanent authoritarianism
• Neoliberal union critique reframed labor organization as monopoly power backed by coercion.
• Neoliberal-corporate relations defy both independence and instrumentality framings
• Neoliberalism accommodated culturally pluralist thinkers beyond Friedman and Hayek
• Neoliberalism broke sharply with prewar classical liberalism rather than continuing it
• Neoliberalism centered on a strong state, not the classical night-watchman state
• Neoliberalism defined itself in opposition to the constructed object of the economy
• Neoliberalism developed in parallel national schools that rarely interacted despite shared MPS membership.
• Neoliberalism emerged from the Great Depression, not from Viennese interwar thought alone
• Neoliberalism holds individual inviolability alongside managed manipulation of persons
• Neoliberalism holds that markets can solve the very problems markets create
• Neoliberalism holds that totalitarianism results from mistaken beliefs, not inevitability
• Neoliberalism holds together several unresolved internal contradictions by asserting both sides at once
• Neoliberalism in Chile outlasted dictatorship by adapting to democracy
• Neoliberalism is a caricature of liberalism reduced to a theory of economic organization
• Neoliberalism is activist constructivism, not laissez-faire passivity.
• Neoliberalism is internally plural yet not formless
• Neoliberalism lacks a stable meaning or historically specific constituency
• Neoliberalism operates through a double truth doctrine separating masses from elites.
• Neoliberalism rebranded itself through property-titling antipoverty programs.
• Neoliberalism redefined liberty as economic rather than political.
• Neoliberalism replaced Burkean conservatism with state-engineering schemes and mechanical freedom
• Neoliberalism rests on a double truth separating elite doctrine from mass propaganda
• Neoliberalism reversed classical liberalism’s suspicion of monopoly and corporate power.
• Neoliberalism rose to hegemony through transnational networks of scholars and allies
• Neoliberalism seeks to strengthen rather than shrink the state
• Neoliberalism self-consciously planned as a multi-generational intellectual project
• Neoliberalism suppressed its own origins as a new doctrine by the late 1950s
• Neoliberalism treats citizenship as customerhood and rejects the night-watchman state
• Neoliberalism triumphed through fringe think tanks, not academic economics
• Neoliberalism was a flexible project, not a fixed doctrine with essential content
• Neoliberalism was a pluralist movement opposing three rival liberal traditions, not a corporate tool
• Neoliberalism was forged by exiled intellectuals across many cities, not born in one place
• Neoliberalism’s ‘giving people what they want’ defense has lost public credibility
• Neoliberalism’s appeal lies in an esoteric knowledge reserved for the Elect
• Neoliberalism’s contestedness reflects its diffuse, multi-variant nature, not emptiness.
• Neoliberalism’s core break with classical liberalism is its constructivist view of the state
• Neoliberalism’s durability rested on transforming culture and winning over former opponents
• Neoliberalism’s epicenter remained Europe rather than the United States.
• Neoliberalism’s focused conception of reform gave it competitive advantage over social liberalism
• Neoliberalism’s internal plurality is strategic strength, not weakness
• Neoliberalism’s legal framing unified economists and corporate managers
• Neoliberalism’s political character was ambiguous from the start, with left and right currents blurring
• Neoliberalism’s political strength partly derives from being poorly understood
• Neoliberalism’s spread depended on transnational discourse networks rather than national institutions alone
• Neoliberalism’s triumph reduced left politics to survival through a desert trial.
• Neoliberals captured global financial institutions to discipline nation-states
• Neoliberals coined the term themselves but abandoned it to claim continuity with classical liberalism.
• Neoliberals deliberately combined elite scholarship with populist simplification
• Neoliberals distanced themselves from general equilibrium to counter market socialism
• Neoliberals favored friendly unions but strictly limited their power over investment decisions
• Neoliberals invoked Carl Schmitt’s sovereignty doctrine to justify backing the Chilean coup
• Neoliberals marketed the market as natural by borrowing early evolutionary science metaphors
• Neoliberals pursued an engineered order rather than expecting free markets to emerge naturally
• Neoliberals recast Hayek’s tacit knowledge into a commodified thing for scientific resonance
• Neoliberals rejected the pure state-versus-market binary as a false dichotomy
• Neoliberals saw themselves as outnumbered with no policy influence
• Neoliberals selectively attacked intellectuals they disagreed with while keeping their own expertise.
• Neoliberals support democracy only instrumentally, insofar as it serves the market system.
• Neoliberals treated individual freedom as a moral principle yet sought reconciliation with religion
• Neoliberals understood the organizational nature of knowledge better than their critics did
• Network operatives divide labor between policy targets and public-opinion propaganda
• Networked mutual influence, not heroic individuals, explains neoliberal thought formation
• Neutral intellectual framing and activist positioning were in tension within the early neoliberal movement
• NGO and farming income explain employment differences without any property effects
• No official MPS document defines neoliberalism because the group could not agree
• No social expediency may ever override complete intellectual freedom
• Non-emigrant ordoliberals designed their economic concepts for implementation under Nazi government
• None of the Chicago units Hayek helped unite would hire him
• North-South disagreement over compensation and sovereignty doomed the UN corporate code
• ODEPLAN functioned as an insulated think tank seeding ideologically cohesive technocrats across Chilean ministries
• OECD corporate guidelines were partly authored in response to UN pressures
• Official insider histories are less informative than newer critical scholarship
• Only individuals can know local circumstances, so the state must only set general rules
• OPEC’s 1973 oil price shock emboldened G-77 demands for NIEO
• OPEC’s oil price coup briefly empowered the South until the oil divide broke solidarity
• Ordoliberal and Nazi critiques of democracy, unions, and communism overlapped considerably.
• Ordoliberal constitution of the economy was a compromise accommodating Nazi political supremacy
• Ordoliberal enterprise co-management aimed to constrain union influence, unlike union demands
• Ordoliberal founders blamed parliamentary democracy for weakening state authority
• Ordoliberal ideas reached the MPS through Swiss journalistic and academic intermediaries.
• Ordoliberal identity was built on opposition to Marxism and Keynesianism
• Ordoliberal Leonard Miksch designed West Germany’s market-economy transition law
• Ordoliberal market design failed because it assumed an abstract ideal society
• Ordoliberalism borrowed ‘irenic’ claims from German sociology of religion
• Ordoliberalism defined itself as a third way between capitalism and socialism
• Ordoliberalism departed from classical liberalism by grounding markets in a constitutional framework
• Ordoliberalism developed across three stages from the Depression through Nazi rule to 1950s reconstruction.
• Ordoliberalism entailed an authoritarian skepticism toward democracy
• Ordoliberalism grants the state a stronger role than Austrian or Chicago neoliberalism does
• Ordoliberalism is less distinct from other neoliberal streams than commonly assumed
• Ordoliberalism rose in Germany partly because no Keynesian rival doctrine existed
• Ordoliberalism, not just Austrian economics, holds a legitimate claim to the neoliberal label.
• Ordoliberalism’s Christian moral turn was a response to its leaders’ Nazi entanglement
• Ordoliberalism’s coherence as a theory and its label both emerged only in the 1950s.
• Ordoliberalism’s founding critique of capitalism was culturally conservative and antimodernist
• Ordoliberalism’s internal contradictions combined economic modernity with antimodern social ideas
• Ordoliberalism’s Ordnungstheorie anticipated modern neo-institutionalist economics
• Ordoliberalism’s political project depended on sustaining a socially conservative middle class
• Ordoliberals and Chicagoans irreconcilably diverged on economic power and monopoly
• Ordoliberals attacked redistributive wage policy by reframing well-being as feelings of satisfaction
• Ordoliberals blamed mass society and proletarianization for the Weimar Republic’s collapse
• Ordoliberals borrowed Schmitt’s diagnosis of the state but rejected his authoritarian conclusions
• Ordoliberals dated the transformance of unions to after World War I
• Ordoliberals distinguished constitutive framework principles from regulative maintenance principles
• Ordoliberals distrusted capitalism’s own features like urbanization and mass parties
• Ordoliberals made competition law the keystone of their program.
• Ordoliberals redefined the state as the instrument that creates market economies.
• Ordoliberals sought to regulate labor-capital conflict at the enterprise level
• Ordoliberals viewed the Third Reich as the product of anti-liberal policy
• Ordoliberals wanted to reduce democratic participation to protect the market
• Ousted neoliberal officials retained power through think tanks and civil society
• Over 150 Chilean economists were trained in Chicago across three decades.
• Pacted transitions preserve predecessor regimes’ legal and economic frameworks
• Participation in the Mont Pèlerin Society shifted Friedman’s views on monopoly within four years
• Partisan think tanks converted neoliberal philosophy into practical political tools.
• Patent tying and vertical integration are really price discrimination, not monopoly extension.
• Perceived Third World radicalism mobilized support for counter-revolutionary economics
• Personal-capital firms formed an organization defending owners against state and unions
• Peru’s 1980-2000 conflict displaced nearly a million people and killed over 69,000.
• Peru’s 1990 shock program worsened poverty and unemployment dramatically.
• Peru’s central highlands incubated two revolutionary movements in the 1960s
• Peru’s housing boom stemmed from a state subsidy, not property titling
• Peru’s neoliberal shock policy and pilot property titling drove de Soto’s global influence
• Peru’s squatter neighborhoods were collectivist villages, not anarchic property-defense zones.
• Peru’s titling experiment was entangled with other state interventions, contaminating its results
• Peru’s titling program concentrated titles in cities, not rural target zones.
• Peru’s titling program was itself a large-scale neoliberal project
• Peruvian property titles shifted household labor toward outside work and adults
• Peruvian property titling failed to boost credit but raised work effort
• Peter Bauer reframed development economics to prioritize markets over security concerns
• Philanthropic funders controlled the political composition of academic advisory committees
• Pinochet adopted shock therapy partly because it preserved his monopoly on power
• Pinochet’s 1978 reforms extended market logic beyond economics into society’s institutions
• Pinochet’s coup was not originally a neoliberal project
• Pinochet’s junta reversed Allende’s nationalizations within its first weeks
• Plehwe argued neoliberal ideas moved from the national periphery into the core.
• Policy continuity in Pinochet’s Chile survived ministerial turnover through direct loyalty to Pinochet
• Political defeat in 1944 paradoxically cleared ground for the later rebirth of French liberalism.
• Poor immigrants’ capital accumulation refutes the vicious cycle of poverty theory
• Post-1911 antitrust law turned against ordinary practices without requiring monopoly size
• Postcolonial states choosing Soviet-style planning threatened the emerging neoliberal vision.
• Postwar American business elites feared liberalism more than Soviet communism
• Postwar business conservatives built think tanks that functioned like political parties without mass support.
• Postwar Chicago neoliberals weaponized science’s prestige to advance their politics
• Postwar economics expansion made neoliberalism appear outdated and marginal.
• Postwar fears of federal university funding drove Chicago to accept Volker money
• Postwar France rejected the liberalism-versus-intervention dichotomy, keeping both.
• Postwar Labour Britain nationalized major industries and announced broad public-sector expansion.
• Postwar US growth and anticommunist terror were two sides of one project.
• Praise for the Peru study came from empiricists, not ideological neoliberals
• Prebisch and Singer argued primary producers face deteriorating terms of trade
• Prebisch attributed third-world underdevelopment to structural trade patterns rather than local institutions
• Price discrimination generally does not create monopoly or harm competition
• Price fixing among small-market-share firms should not be per se illegal
• Prior experiments determine which economic facts even become available and plausible
• Prominent French intellectuals rejected the MPS’s specific brand of liberalism
• Property rights theory flowed from academia through Peru to the World Bank and Egypt.
• Property rights theory simplified complex institutions to prepare New Institutional Economics
• Property titling was theorized to shift child labor to adult labor within households
• Public choice theory treats all policy as self-interested coalitional maneuvering
• Publishing controversial libertarian views could damage an economist’s academic career prospects
• Pure competition without framing norms produces social incoherence
• Racial segregation operates as rent-seeking that impoverishes black workers
• Railway loading gauge constrained British tank size and persists in Eurostar design
• Readers have misread the polarities of Hayek’s wartime context and argument
• Reagan’s administration recruited heavily from conservative think-tank ranks
• Recent Anglo-Saxon neoliberal ideas echo earlier German ordoliberal thought
• Religious and political heterogeneity prevented French neoliberals from building a unified network
• Reputation for propaganda, not journal publication, made Bauer Thatcher’s favorite economist.
• Respectable universities refused donor-directed funding for Hayek’s chair
• Ricardo’s comparative-advantage case targeted profit, not welfare.
• Rigid per se rules would prevent antitrust law from resisting future statist experiments
• Rising wages reflect monetary conditions rather than union coercion causing inflation
• Robbins blamed the 1930s depression on social insurance and managed money.
• Robbins recanted his earlier Great Depression extremism
• Robbins saw wartime price controls as vindicating markets, not discrediting them
• Rockefeller Foundation subsidized Hayek’s networking from his Vienna years onward
• Röpke advocated export agriculture over industrialization and mistrusted UN governance
• Röpke and Rüstow crossed disciplinary lines to supply market economies with sociocultural foundations
• Röpke blamed failed industrialization on missing liberal cultural traditions
• Röpke condemned the Mont Pèlerin Society’s internal power struggles in 1960s
• Röpke fled Nazi Germany and later shaped the MPS’s founding
• Röpke framed decolonization as an expansion of Western culture, not colonialism’s legacy
• Röpke rejected dependency theory while citing Jewkes against import substitution
• Röpke saw industrialization as culturally destructive and favored agrarian life
• Rule-of-reason antitrust adjudication is so arbitrary it rarely catches monopolists.
• Rüstow and Röpke linked liberalism’s crisis to economism and totalitarianism
• Rüstow credited all cultural progress in colonized regions to colonization itself
• Rüstow proposed a probationary chancellor dictatorship to check parliamentarianism
• Shared values let diverse thinkers cooperate across disciplines for hegemonic ends
• Shared worldview rather than shared profession bonded the MPS’s diverse members
• Simons blamed Knight and Viner for recruiting timid, dependent economists
• Simons engineered a Chicago project specifically to recruit Aaron Director.
• Simons maneuvered to hire Stigler and Friedman and curb Cowles Foundation influence.
• Simons promoted Chicago to the Free Market Project with limited fidelity.
• Simons proposed nationalizing concentrated industries to promote, not limit, free markets
• Simons’s anti-power liberalism embarrassed later Chicago economists
• Social Catholicism, not Keynesianism, dominated postwar French economic debates
• Social network analysis prevents isolating ideas from political and business links
• Socialist Oskar Lange ran Cowles Commission before leaving Chicago for Poland
• Some Mont Pèlerin members openly rejected majority-rule democracy in private
• Some MPS founders rejected abolishing strikes as antidemocratic
• Some neoliberals viewed Walras as nearly as dangerous as Marx
• Staggered rollout of a titling program enabled a natural experiment in Peru
• State interventionism itself was deployed to rescue and deepen the neoliberal model
• State-funded scholarships built and bound a loyal Chilean reform team
• Stigler’s memoir mischaracterized the founding meeting’s stated purpose
• Studying links between experts and advocacy groups connects disparate policy research fields.
• Swiss hospitality made Switzerland the indispensable physical base for the early neoliberal network
• Syncretism is a merger while entryism is a takeover
• Thatcher’s government displaced academic economists by sourcing policy advice from private think tanks
• The 1946 Free Market Project plan repeated Director’s 1945 scheme.
• The 1958 Haberler Report moved GATT toward expanding developing-country trade
• The 1958 Princeton meeting exposed the Society’s dependence on an erratic patron.
• The 1970s NIEO represented developing countries’ collective demand for redistribution and sovereignty.
• The 1973 oil embargo, not old theory, triggered the NIEO’s emergence
• The 1974 NIEO declaration culminated a movement begun in 1955
• The 1980s debt crisis fueled the Washington Consensus’ rejection of import substitution
• The 1981 Cancún summit marked the NIEO’s political end
• The Allende overthrow made multinational regulation intellectually respectable for development economists.
• The American loan forced sterling convertibility that Britain had to suspend within weeks.
• The American right’s rise depended on an international intellectual community
• The Antitrust Project was modeled on the earlier Free Market Project.
• The Chicago Antitrust Project seeded figures who later shaped US jurisprudence
• The Chicago Antitrust Project was the first applied neoliberal project
• The Chicago Antitrust Project’s founding group dispersed by 1957.
• The Chicago Boys’ shock program reached Pinochet through Admiral Kelly in 1975.
• The Chicago economists ignored contract terms where political goals mattered more
• The Chicago School was founded by Simons and Hayek with Volker Fund money
• The Chicago School’s founding figures were often marginalized or despaired of its creation.
• The Chicago School’s founding involved doctrinal negotiation, not just funding
• The Chicago School’s neoliberal network included prominent figures often thought hostile to it
• The Chicago School’s rise was part of a transnational postwar project of building neoliberalism.
• The Chilean network fused academics, big business, and military force to implement its ideas.
• The Chilean state socialized private debt while keeping the neoliberal framework intact
• The CIRL gathered rival liberal factions into one organization
• The Cold War began in earnest with the 1947 Truman Doctrine
• The Colloque first defined neoliberalism as framework-building rather than laissez-faire
• The Colloque Lippmann was an exclusionary gathering that seeded Europe’s postwar liberal establishment
• The Colloque Walter Lippmann convinced nascent neoliberals to cross disciplinary boundaries
• The Common Market served as a supranational space enabling national neoliberal policy.
• The conference’s primary funder directly controlled the program as a condition of financing
• The counter-revolution in development economics began well before the late 1970s.
• The Daladier government pursued liberal economics against the Front Populaire
• The distinctively neoliberal development discourse has been neglected by historians
• The draft creed tied individual freedom to competitive markets and private property.
• The early FMS deliberately targeted monopoly because of the left’s influence
• The founding documents of ordoliberalism are dated to 1929–1933 works
• The free market requires constant state interventionism to be established and maintained
• The Freiburg school sought to install an authoritarian competitive order within Nazi Germany.
• The French neoliberal network collapsed during World War II as its members scattered politically.
• The Geneva IUHEI sheltered exiled liberal economists fleeing interwar fascism
• The German Miracle stemmed from postwar rebuilding, not pro-market reforms
• The IEA’s message reached welfare-state professions as early as 1968
• The late-1970s neoliberal export-oriented development paradigm was conceived in the 1950s
• The Law of the Sea Treaty remains unratified by the US Senate.
• The literature debates whether social market economy came from Eucken’s or Müller-Armack’s influence
• The market advocacy developed into a closed self-referential tradition in economics
• The market-planning compromise slogan originated with Karl Schiller
• The metaphysical Ordo ideal resisted translation into concrete postwar political programs
• The Mont Pèlerin formation bypassed the Chicago Economics Department
• The Mont Pèlerin network forged genuine consensus despite its internal disagreements.
• The Mont Pèlerin Society contained rival, incompatible conceptions of the market
• The Mont Pèlerin Society cultivated client relations with West Germany’s economics ministry
• The Mont Pèlerin Society deliberately networked academia, media, business, and politics from its founding.
• The Mont Pèlerin Society was founded as political philosophy, not economics.
• The Mont Pelerin Society was organizationally embedded within the University of Chicago
• The Mont Pèlerin Society’s intellectual mission deliberately avoided propaganda roles
• The MPS and Heritage favored contrasting strategies for spreading neoliberal influence
• The MPS concealed its organizational sponsorship of scholarly books it printed
• The MPS constituted an early intellectual network of development economics
• The MPS distanced itself from the more strident American FEE
• The MPS founding manifesto committed to general values, not specific programmatic aims
• The MPS nearly collapsed over a split between political action and long-term intellectual goals
• The MPS network circulated unpublicized development thinking through journal publications
• The MPS represented the first peacetime-directed mobilization of the neoliberal thought collective.
• The MPS self-conceived as a forum for universal principles, not national concerns.
• The MPS’s survival in 1956 hinged on finding American fundraisers
• The neoliberal development agenda’s ideas predate its political victories
• The New Deal NRA briefly suspended antitrust law for two years.
• The newer French neoliberals abandoned the state’s active role for full laissez-faire
• The NIEO effort was widely seen as futile by its own UN insiders.
• The NIEO peaked early and was already ineffectual by 1975.
• The NIEO threat spurred the neoliberal counterrevolution in development policy
• The NIEO was a Marxist assault weaponized against Western wealth.
• The Non-Aligned Movement shifted focus to economic concerns in the early 1970s
• The ordoliberal network grew from an export-industry lobby group around Rüstow.
• The ordoliberal Ordo concept legitimized a hierarchical social order as natural and irrevocable
• The Other Path framed economic reform as an answer to terrorism
• The Philadelphia Society resembled an American branch of the Mont Pelerin Society
• The pilot titling project chose favorable neighborhoods to prove the neoliberal theory.
• The postwar Keynesian consensus silenced rightwing academic criticism of planning
• The Prebisch-Singer thesis dominated UN development economics but faced wide academic skepticism.
• The Property and Freedom Society split from Mont Pèlerin over perceived compromise with socialism
• The Road to Serfdom’s American tour directly launched the Hayek-Luhnow funding relationship
• The social market economy label legitimized market reforms politically
• The social market economy label was emptied of its original neoliberal meaning
• The social market economy originated inside the neoliberal family, not against it
• The social market economy was a political tool, not a closed economic theory.
• The social market economy was designed to pacify class conflict adaptively.
• The socialist monopoly critique motivated the founding of the Mont Pèlerin Society.
• The Society diagnosed the era’s crisis as moral-relativist history plus weakened belief in markets
• The structuralist economist Nurkse belonged to the emerging neoliberal network
• The study of neoliberalism depended heavily on one researcher’s database work
• The term ‘neoliberal’ was adopted deliberately to distance liberalism from pure laissez-faire
• The term ‘neoliberalism’ was coined at the 1938 Colloque Walter Lippmann
• The term neoliberalism first appeared in 1898 as a pejorative for neoclassical economics.
• The term ordoliberalism named a specific Freiburg School circle around Eucken
• The think tank originated as a deliberate instrument of intellectual engineering
• The Third World debt crisis secured neoliberalism’s victory in development discourse
• The titling study’s appeal was methodological as much as substantive
• The UN abandoned MNC regulation in favor of corporate partnership within two decades
• The UN adopted over half of Heritage’s 1983-86 reform demands.
• The UN’s own agency was dismantled and absorbed into pro-investment UNCTAD work
• The UNCTC balanced development-country aid against corporate information gathering
• The US favored bilateral investment treaties over UN multilateral corporate regulation
• The US law and economics movement emerged to counter perceived judicial hostility toward corporations.
• The US rejected the NIEO yet kept discussing it, sparking a terminological dispute.
• The Volker Fund bankrolled FEE as a libertarian propaganda outlet
• The Volker Fund continued active oversight of Chicago work after project launch
• The Volker Fund financed the Chicago Free Market Study at $25,000 per year
• The Volker Fund redirected a charity into American conservative intellectual politics
• The Washington Consensus package is often conflated with neoliberalism by outsiders
• Third World debt crisis enabled 1980s liberalization, not just neoliberal advocacy.
• Third World elites weaponized Western ideals of sovereignty and equality against the West
• Third World NIEO rhetoric reworked Marxist class struggle onto global relations
• Third World statism alarmed neoliberals even when Western politicians endorsed it.
• Three invariants define the social market economy’s pragmatic core.
• Traditional right-wing elites blocked earlier Chilean liberalization attempts
• Transitional pacts preserved technocratic economic continuity across regime change
• Truman’s 1949 address invented underdevelopment as a contemporary term
• Two-thirds agreement on the UN corporate code masked irreconcilable North-South divides
• U.S. government opposition, not Heritage alone, drove UNCTC’s closure.
• Uncontrolled financial liberalization and consumption-fuelled borrowing collapsed Chile’s economy in 1982
• Understanding thought-becoming-epoch requires more than intellectual history
• Universal provision as a right necessarily implies centralized state administration
• Unorthodox minority ideas depend on wealthy iconoclasts for funding
• Until the 1980s the MPS network reliably identified genuine neoliberal actors
• US democracy-endowment funds seeded Neoliberal advocacy in the developing world
• US voluntary export restraints of 1957 pushed Japanese production offshore to Hong Kong
• USAID funded de Soto’s titling initiatives as poverty programs.
• Vertical integration was once treated as evidence of monopolization intent in antitrust law
• Virginia School public choice shaped Chilean labor and privatization reforms
• Volker Fund controlled Hayek’s 1946 American lecture tour logistics and finances
• Volker Fund money paid visiting professors for Chicago’s Antitrust Project.
• Volker Fund pushed neoliberal reformulation to serve corporate Cold War interests
• Volker Fund wanted an American Road to Serfdom pitched at near-literacy level
• Wage regulation destroyed the cheap-labor advantage of developing countries
• Wage regulation helped create apartheid’s industrial color bar
• Wars forced Britain’s tax base and government size to permanently expand.
• Wartime administration forced doctrinaire academic economists to grasp practical economic complexity
• Wartime aircraft nationalization in Britain had purely practical motives
• Wartime aircraft production industrialized a previously craft-based British industry
• Wartime government service recruited many future Mont Pelerin Society founders.
• Wartime industrial experience failed to modernize postwar British consumer industries for multiple structural reasons
• Wealthy businessmen funded the postwar right out of ideological conviction, not self-interest
• Weimar liberals allied with new chemical industries against monopolist steel and coal barons.
• West German corporations funded publicity to enshrine the social market economy
• Wikipedia operates on a strict hierarchy that blocks lower-level editors
• Wikipedia reflects median internet common knowledge, not emergent truth
• Wikipedia’s free access is destroying the subscriber base of the sources it copies
• Wikipedia’s growth depended on its unpaid symbiosis with Google’s search business.
• Williamson used ‘neoliberalism’ narrowly to mean Mont Pèlerin doctrines
• World War II scattered early neoliberal organizers and recast their enemy as socialist planning