German ordoliberalism combined a strong-state Ordnungspolitik with sociocultural individualism and postwar integrationism

Evidence

The reliance on a visibly strong state as evidenced by Ordnungspolitik (akin to Nazi ideology based on Carl Schmitt, as discussed later in this chapter) and an emphasis on the sociocultural foundations of individuals in the market economy (a key divergence from the anti-individualism of Nazi ideologies) became constitutive elements of Germany’s “new” liberalism. The German ordoliberals sought their own response to the Social Question, in constant fear of what they regarded as the ultimate destructive powers of socialist organizing in mass production and society at large—exemplified by trade-union “monopolies” and the welfare state. They incessantly stressed the importance of sociopolitical integration, which was intended to mitigate the centrifugal forces of a market-oriented organization of society, by offering all and sundry alternatives to the proposals of social liberals and socialists. Whereas authoritarian elements of compulsory integration were emphasized in the first papers written by ordoliberals in the 1930s, this approach had to change after 1945—postwar circumstances no longer allowed embracing national-authoritarian approaches to sociopolitical integration. — Philip Mirowski & Dieter Plehwe (eds.), The Road from Mont Pèlerin, 515

Categorization

• DEFINE: Clarifies what Ordnungspolitik means and the distinct constituent elements of ordoliberalism (strong state + sociocultural individualism).
• XREF: Connects to Carl Schmitt’s influence on ordoliberalism, which resonates with broader 20th-century debates about strong-state liberalism seen in other works on fascism/corporatism. — connects to: Postwar German intellectual reconstruction proposals paired technocratic and cultural-visionary programs — Rolf Wiggershaus, The Frankfurt School: Its History,…, 1679; German ordoliberalism favors state framework provision over neoliberal state withdrawal. — Mark Blyth, Austerity: The History of a Dangerous…, 164; Ordoliberalism captured the postwar CDU because its communitarian rhetoric matched Catholic voters — Mark Blyth, Austerity: The History of a Dangerous…, 369 (+7 more)
• SEED: The pre-1945 vs post-1945 shift in ordoliberal integration strategy (from authoritarian to consensual) is a clean analytical pivot for an article on how postwar contexts forced ideological adaptation.

Broader Connections

• The term ordoliberalism named a specific Freiburg School circle around Eucken #expands (0.85) — Philip Mirowski & Dieter Plehwe (eds.), The Road from Mont Pèlerin, 561
• Ordoliberalism borrowed ‘irenic’ claims from German sociology of religion #qualifies (0.82) — Philip Mirowski & Dieter Plehwe (eds.), The Road from Mont Pèlerin, 590