Shared social identity produces adaptive psychosocial resilience that aids group survival in emergencies.

Evidence

The affective transformation is based on the cognitive and relational transformations. Both shared goals and expected support increase the sense of efficacy or empowerment, and hence the ability to coordinate actions, and to collectively regulate behaviour in others to ensure there is a properly normative collective response (think for example of a crowd needing to remove the door from a bombed underground train, or the 9/11 evacuees descending the stairs in lockstep). Expected support, and the actions that flow from that support, can be expected to contribute to crowd members reaching safety, and hence to their wellbeing. This account has elsewhere been referred to as a model of collective psychosocial resilience (e.g., Drury, 2012; Williams & Drury, 2009) and can be seen as part of the “social cure” approach (Haslam, Jetten, Cruwys, Dingle, & Haslam, 2018) because these group processes, based on shared social identity, are adaptive for group survival in emergencies. — John Drury, The role of social identity processes…, 107

Just as the pathologization of the emergency crowd in earlier theories had certain implications for practice (Sime, 1990, 1995), so its rehabilitation through the social identity framework suggests practical applications. In particular, the concept of resilience is an important one in disaster research and management (Durodie´ & Wessley, 2002), yet it has not yet been addressed through social psychology. On the one hand, it is conceptualized simply as an individual trait (e.g. Noppe, Noppe, & Bartell, 2006). On the other hand, it is employed in sociological disaster research to describe improvisation amongst emergency organizations (e.g. Tierney & Trainor, 2004) or ‘community’ resourcefulness post-disaster (e.g. Kendra & Wachtendorf, 2001). The present approach suggests an elaboration that could complement both of these: ‘collective resilience’ refers to the way a shared identification allows groups of survivors to express solidarity and cohesion, and thereby to coordinate and draw upon collective sources of support and other practical resources, to deal with adversity (Drury et al., in press; cf. Haslam et al., 2005). … At the level of metatheory, this reversal of perspective – from crowd as problem to crowd as solution – serves to challenge the high value usually accorded to individualism in Western cultures. The examples of mass emergencies such as those analysed in the present study point to the possible dangers of acting as an individual. In these cases, safe exit was more likely the more people thought of themselves and acted as a group. The more that everyone acts as an individual, the more likely it is that exits will be blocked as people compete, and the group as a whole will suffer (Mintz, 1951). — John Drury and Chris Cocking and Steve Reicher, Everyone for themselves? A comparative…, 123

Expected support, and the actions that flow from that support, can be expected to contribute to crowd members reaching safety, and hence to their wellbeing. This account has elsewhere been referred to as a model of collective psychosocial resilience (e.g., Drury, 2012; Williams & Drury, 2009) and can be seen as part of the “social cure” approach (Haslam, Jetten, Cruwys, Dingle, & Haslam, 2018) because these group processes, based on shared social identity, are adaptive for group survival in emergencies. — John Drury, The role of social identity processes…, 107

Categorization

• ADDENDUM: Directly parallels the survival/helping logic in ‘On Sacrifice’ and ‘Grafting & Growth’ — cooperation as adaptive infrastructure; groups that pool identity survive better in crises.
• XREF: Connects to the ‘social cure’ literature (Haslam, Jetten et al.) and to disaster sociology on emergent altruism vs. panic — a contrast with classic panic-theory accounts of disaster behaviour. — connects to: Shared emergent identity from common fate explains collective support amid disasters — John Drury, The role of social identity processes…, 15; Facing a shared threat transforms individuals into a psychological crowd with emergent shared identity — John Drury, The role of social identity processes…, 49; Group membership framing boosts helping and reduces pushing in emergency simulations. — John Drury, The role of social identity processes…, 57 (+16 more)
• DEFINE: Introduces ‘collective resilience’ as a distinct third concept beyond trait-based resilience and organizational improvisation.
• corroborated: 8 independent passages support this claim — John Drury, The role of social identity processes…, 107; John Drury and Chris Cocking and Steve Reicher, Everyone for themselves? A comparative…, 123

Related

• Shared emergent identity from common fate explains collective support amid disasters (similarity 0.93)
• A shared identity can emerge within a crowd only after an emergency begins. (similarity 0.91)
• Shared identity turns crowds from irrational mobs into solidarity-based adaptive resources (similarity 0.91)
• The psychological crowd is an adaptive survival resource in emergencies (similarity 0.90)
• Shared identity that enables crowd helping often emerges during an emergency rather than pre-existing. (similarity 0.90)
• Collective resilience theory now yields practical guidance for disaster practitioners. (similarity 0.90)
• Shared fate in danger makes strangers act as one group offering help. (similarity 0.89)
• People act collectively in emergencies despite being conditioned toward individual self-interest. (similarity 0.89)
• Solidarity among emergency survivors stems from perceiving strangers as oneself. (similarity 0.88)
• Shared identity can emerge rapidly during, not before, an emergency. (similarity 0.88)
• Emergency responders should deliberately cultivate shared identity with survivors. (similarity 0.88)
• Mass emergency behaviour stems from social identity, not panic or irrationality (similarity 0.88)
• Collectively experienced trauma makes victims identify as one group, motivating help (similarity 0.88)
• Crowds during disasters are a resource for support, not a panic problem. (similarity 0.87)
• Shared danger makes people feel close to strangers and motivates mutual help. (similarity 0.87)

Broader Connections

• The psychological crowd is an adaptive survival resource in emergencies #corroborates (0.95) — John Drury and Chris Cocking and Steve Reicher, Everyone for themselves? A comparative…, 126
• Mass emergency behaviour stems from social identity, not panic or irrationality #expands (0.92) — John Drury and Chris Cocking and Steve Reicher, Everyone for themselves? A comparative…, 122
• Post-disaster solidarity toward strangers stems from emergent shared social identity, not prior personal ties. #corroborates (0.92) — John Drury and Rupert Brown and Roberto González and Daniel Miranda, Emergent social identity and observing…, 118
• Shared social identity is the causal variable predicting solidarity among disaster strangers. #expands (0.90) — John Drury and Evangelos Ntontis, A SOCIAL IDENTITY MODEL OF COLLECTIVE…, 26
• Disaster survivors who feel shared fate identify socially and give emotional support #corroborates (0.90) — John Drury and Rupert Brown and Roberto González and Daniel Miranda, Emergent social identity and observing…, 73
• Flood survivors’ shared identity predicts their well-being through expected support months later #corroborates (0.88) — John Drury and Evangelos Ntontis, A SOCIAL IDENTITY MODEL OF COLLECTIVE…, 34
• Social reproduction sustains individuals through group identity, not just purposive-rational adaptation #corroborates (0.85) — Rolf Wiggershaus, The Frankfurt School, 2428
• Shared identity generates expectations of support and trust among group members #expands (0.85) — John Drury, The role of social identity processes…, 16
• Existing friendship and family bonds shape cooperative evacuation behavior. #qualifies (0.78) — John Drury and Evangelos Ntontis, A SOCIAL IDENTITY MODEL OF COLLECTIVE…, 14
• External danger and social isolation drive members toward group conformity. #complicates (0.72) — John T. Jost and Jim Sidanius, Political Psychology, 4142