Ruiqian Li and Paul Froese — The Duality of American Christian Nationalism: Religious Traditionalism versus Christian Statism
36 published claims from this book.
- A high Cronbach’s alpha does not prove a scale is unidimensional.
- Anti-democratic conspiratorial tendencies newly define Christian statism, not religious traditionalism.
- Christian nationalism robustly predicts authoritarian political attitudes
- Christian nationalism splits between religious traditionalism and support for a Christian state.
- Christian nationalism splits into two ideals measured on acceptance spectrums rather than discrete classes
- Christian statism and religious traditionalism are empirically separable and diverging.
- Christian Statism and Religious Traditionalism decline in covariance across survey waves
- Christian statism and religious traditionalism predict ethno-nationalism and patriotism differently
- Christian statism but not religious traditionalism drives religious intolerance.
- Christian statism correlates with racial distrust while religious traditionalism correlates with trust.
- Christian statism dominates religious traditionalism as an empirical factor across samples.
- Christian statism explains far more variance in the CN items than religious traditionalism.
- Christian statism may surpass traditionalist religious nationalism
- Christian statism predicts anti-immigrant prejudice while religious traditionalism does not.
- Christian Statism pursues exclusive state power over cultural dominance
- Combining EFA and CFA tests both exploratory structure and confirmatory fit of CN dimensions.
- Combining exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis produces theory-driven results robust across samples
- High church attendance weakens Trump support among Christian Nationalists
- Latent class counts for Christian nationalism items are unstable across samples
- Majority-status loss prompted white conservative Christians to seek state religious favoritism
- Minority-status threat shifts white Protestants toward Christian Statism.
- Only Christian statism, not traditionalism, predicts ethno-nationalist symbolism.
- Perceived cultural decline drives Christian nationalism’s authoritarian attitudes
- Religious attendance split which facets of Christian nationalism motivated Trump support.
- Religious traditionalism predicts inclusive attitudes while Christian statism predicts exclusionary ones.
- Scales with high Cronbach-α may still conceal several distinct latent factors.
- Scholars conflate Christian nationalism with its statist variant.
- Scholars conflate distinct religious-nationalist traditions under the blanket term Christian nationalism.
- Survey items mentioning God without Jesus may capture civil religion rather than Christian nationalism
- The two Christian nationalism dimensions are diverging cognitively over time
- Treating Likert responses as interval data distorts estimates when aggregating across disparate items
- Two-aspect nationalism theory explains RT-versus-CS shift as majority-status security drives in-group versus out-group focus
- White Protestant establishment support arose as their demographic majority slipped
- White Protestants seek state favoritism as their dominance erodes.
- White Protestants shift toward state favoritism as they perceive losing religious market share
- Whites do not outscore minorities on Christian nationalism scales despite the racial-coding theory