Christian statism predicts anti-immigrant prejudice while religious traditionalism does not.

Evidence

In the BRS 2017 and 2021, higher CS is associated with stronger beliefs that immigrants and Middle Eastern refugees are threats with statistical significance. Second, in the BRS 2007, a higher CS score predicts distrustful sentiment toward all immigrants with statistical significance. In contrast, RT either predicts pro-immigrant attitudes or has no statistically significant impact on estimated prejudice against immigrants and Middle Eastern refugees. The BRS 2005 is the only sample in which RT predicts distrust attitude to immigrants. — Ruiqian Li and Paul Froese, The Duality of American Christian…, 151

Categorization

• XREF: Resonates with the reader’s running test of whether Christian nationalism is a distinct schema or a collinear proxy for conservatism — the divergent CS vs. RT effects here are evidence for genuine distinctness. — connects to: Perceived cultural-value threats often outweigh economic ones in anti-immigrant bias. — Blake M. Riek, Eric W. Mania, and Samuel L. Gaertner, Intergroup Threat and Outgroup…, 39; Anti-democratic conspiratorial tendencies newly define Christian statism, not religious traditionalism. — Ruiqian Li and Paul Froese, The Duality of American Christian…, 57; Christian statism dominates religious traditionalism as an empirical factor across samples. — Ruiqian Li and Paul Froese, The Duality of American Christian…, 111 (+10 more)
• SEED: The asymmetry — CS drives nativist prejudice, RT drives tolerance or null effects, except in BRS 2005 — is a striking angle for an essay on how ‘religious nationalism as threat perception’ and ‘religious traditionalism as in-group identity’ divergently shape out-group attitudes.

Broader Connections

• Religious traditionalism predicts inclusive attitudes while Christian statism predicts exclusionary ones. #corroborates (0.95) — Ruiqian Li and Paul Froese, The Duality of American Christian…, 219
• Only Christian statism, not traditionalism, predicts ethno-nationalist symbolism. #corroborates (0.93)
• Christian statism but not religious traditionalism drives religious intolerance. #corroborates (0.92) — Ruiqian Li and Paul Froese, The Duality of American Christian…, 163
• Christian statism correlates with racial distrust while religious traditionalism correlates with trust. #expands (0.88) — Ruiqian Li and Paul Froese, The Duality of American Christian…, 161
• Religious commitment and Christian nationalism shape opinions in opposite directions #corroborates (0.88) — Andrew L. Whitehead; Samuel L. Perry, Taking America Back for God, 101
• Christian statism and religious traditionalism predict ethno-nationalism and patriotism differently #expands (0.85) — Ruiqian Li and Paul Froese, The Duality of American Christian…, 150
• Cornology Christian nationalism predicts anti-refugee fears independently of party and ideology. #exemplifies (0.85) — Andrew L. Whitehead; Samuel L. Perry, Taking America Back for God, 240
• Christian nationalism resists even immigrants who share the same faith #expands (0.82) — Andrew L. Whitehead, American Idolatry, 666
• Christian nationalism predicts outgroup attitudes better than conservatism does #expands (0.80) — Andrew L. Whitehead; Samuel L. Perry, Taking America Back for God, 72
• Religion bundles opposing tendencies that both fuel and curb prejudice #expands (0.78) — Norenzayan, Ara, Big gods - how religion transformed…, 522