Only Christian statism, not traditionalism, predicts ethno-nationalist symbolism.

Evidence

Rather, those Americans who adhere most strongly to Christian nationalist ideals have political interests primarily in mind. Religious interests rank second, if they rank at all. Like Jeffress’s sermon suggests, faithfulness to “our Christian country,” in the minds of Ambassadors and many Accommodators, has little to do with personal piety; it is about political influence. — Andrew L. Whitehead; Samuel L. Perry, Taking America Back for God, 214 (#corroborates, via linked claim)

It would be easy to assume that Rejecters are completely nonreligious and politically liberal. However, when we examine the religious and political contours of this group we see a slightly more complicated story. … One-third of Rejecters affiliate with a Christian religious tradition, either Protestant or Catholic, while one-half are unaffiliated (see Table 1.2). Half of Rejecters believe in some form of higher power, with one-quarter believing in God and a third identifying as atheist. Rejecters, as a group, do not completely reject common expressions of religious behavior, even though most Rejecters never attend religious services, pray, or read sacred texts. However, one in 10 report attending religious services at least once a month, and close to a quarter pray at least once a week. While majorities identify as politically liberal or align themselves with the Democratic Party, 40 percent classify themselves as Independents, and a quarter respond that they are politically moderate (see Table 1.3). — Andrew L. Whitehead; Samuel L. Perry, Taking America Back for God, 123 (#qualifies, via linked claim)

Christian nationalism is not a religious creed but, in my view, a political ideology. It promotes the myth that the American republic was founded as a Christian nation. It asserts that legitimate government rests not on the consent of the governed but on adherence to the doctrines of a specific religious, ethnic, and cultural heritage. It demands that our laws be based not on the reasoned deliberation of our democratic institutions but on particular, idiosyncratic interpretations of the Bible. Its defining fear is that the nation has strayed from the truths that once made it great. Christian nationalism looks backward on a fictionalized history of America’s allegedly Christian founding. It looks forward to a future in which its versions of the Christian religion and its adherents, along with their political allies, enjoy positions of exceptional privilege and power in government and in law. — Katherine Stewart, The Power Worshippers, 28 (#corroborates, via linked claim)

Categorization

• XREF: connects to: Christian statism and religious traditionalism are empirically separable and diverging. — Ruiqian Li and Paul Froese, The Duality of American Christian…, 118; Christian Statism pursues exclusive state power over cultural dominance — Ruiqian Li and Paul Froese, The Duality of American Christian…, 44; Christian nationalist adherence is primarily political rather than religious — Andrew L. Whitehead; Samuel L. Perry, Taking America Back for God, 214 (+2 more)

Related

• Opposition to Christian nationalism does not require secularism or liberalism (similarity 0.89)
• Christian nationalist adherence is primarily political rather than religious (similarity 0.88)
• Christian nationalism bundles political ideology with cultural religious claims (similarity 0.87)
• Christian nationalism is a political ideology, not a religious creed. (similarity 0.86)
• Scholars conflate Christian nationalism with its statist variant. (similarity 0.85)
• Christian nationalism is a dynamic ideology, not a single founding belief (similarity 0.85)
• Americans who resist Christian nationalism span all political affiliations (similarity 0.85)
• Christian nationalism is a cultural framework, not a political theology (similarity 0.85)
• Christian nationalism is a civic-political commitment, not mere chauvinism. (similarity 0.85)
• Christian nationalism exerts unique unrecognized influence on American political division (similarity 0.85)
• Christian nationalism shapes even those Americans who reject it (similarity 0.85)
• Ideological commitments predict Christian nationalism far more than demographics or party identity (similarity 0.84)
• Political party alone does not explain Americans’ Christian nationalist views (similarity 0.84)
• Christian nationalists may reject the label theocracy while pursuing the same ends (similarity 0.84)
• Christian nationalism seeks power, not pluralistic cultural influence (similarity 0.84)

Broader Connections

• Christian nationalist adherence is primarily political rather than religious #corroborates (0.75) — Andrew L. Whitehead; Samuel L. Perry, Taking America Back for God, 214
• Opposition to Christian nationalism does not require secularism or liberalism #qualifies (0.75) — Andrew L. Whitehead; Samuel L. Perry, Taking America Back for God, 123
• Christian nationalism is a political ideology, not a religious creed. #corroborates (0.72) — Katherine Stewart, The Power Worshippers, 28