Negative party identification mobilizes voters as strongly as positive identification.

Evidence

NPI also increases turnout because one has stakes in an election, in the sense that they have a party they want to prevent from succeeding. Thus, NPI should increase the probability to turnout, alongside PPI (Hypothesis 3). — Sabrina J. Mayer and Luana Russo, What one is not, 32

Categorization

• XREF: Core fuel for the We-They Engine distinction: negational identity is not passivity but an expressive, mobilizing force in its own right, parallel to rooting for a team. — connects to: Negative identification against radical-right parties can raise democratic satisfaction. — Sabrina J. Mayer and Luana Russo, What one is not: a new scale to measure…, 96; Negative party identity lowers democratic satisfaction except toward far-right parties — Sabrina J. Mayer and Luana Russo, What one is not: a new scale to measure…, 96; Negative partisan identification remains neglected relative to positive partisan identity — Sabrina J. Mayer and Luana Russo, What one is not: a new scale to measure…, 115 (+5 more)
• CANDY: Voting-as-spite: the fact that wanting to stop a party boosts turnout just like wanting a party to win is a crisp, tweetable point about the ‘againstness’ engine behind elections.
• QUESTION: If NPI and PPI both independently raise turnout, what happens to voters holding both strong PPI toward one party and strong NPI toward another vs. only NPI? The interaction is left untested.

Broader Connections

• Measurements previously conflated negative party identification with affective polarization. #complicates (0.80) — Sabrina J. Mayer and Luana Russo, What one is not, 33
• Negative identification against radical-right parties can raise democratic satisfaction. #qualifies (0.78) — Sabrina J. Mayer and Luana Russo, What one is not, 96
• Negative party identity lowers democratic satisfaction except toward far-right parties #qualifies (0.75) — Sabrina J. Mayer and Luana Russo, What one is not, 96
• Making negational identity salient shifts voting choices toward shared out-group members #expands (0.75) — Roderick M. Kramer, Geoffrey J. Leonardelli, Robert W. Livingston, Social Cognition, Social Identity, and…, 1115
• Negative campaigns spur voter deliberation while positive ones merely mobilize #qualifies (0.74)
• Negative partisan identification remains neglected relative to positive partisan identity #complicates (0.72) — Sabrina J. Mayer and Luana Russo, What one is not, 115
• Negational identification can unite people who cannot agree on positive identity #expands (0.72) — Chen-Bo Zhong, Adam D. Galinsky, and Miguel M. Unzueta, Negational racial identity and…, 19
• Blocked economic paths to positive identity can push individuals into negative identities #expands (0.70) — John T. Jost and Jim Sidanius, Political Psychology, 4126