Measurements previously conflated negative party identification with affective polarization.
Evidence
As negative partisan affect has been often used to operationalize NPI (Mayer 2017; Ridge 2020), we were rarely able in the past to empirically study this relation – with our new measure, this should now be possible. We thus expect that NPI and AP should be highly correlated (Hypothesis 4). — Sabrina J. Mayer and Luana Russo, What one is not, 33
Categorization
- XREF: Exactly the methodological crux the We-They Engine thread needs: past work proxied NPI with affective polarization, meaning identity-level and attitude-level ‘againstness’ were never cleanly separated. — connects to: A validated partisan identity measure outperforms traditional strength measures at predicting behavior — Alexa Bankert and Leonie Huddy, Partisan Identity Scale (PIS), 143; A negational partisan identity functions independently of affirmative partisan identity — Sabrina J. Mayer and Luana Russo, What one is not: a new scale to measure…, 22; Negative party identification mobilizes voters as strongly as positive identification. — Sabrina J. Mayer and Luana Russo, What one is not: a new scale to measure…, 32 (+5 more)
Broader Connections
- Negative partisan identification remains neglected relative to positive partisan identity
#corroborates(0.85) — Sabrina J. Mayer and Luana Russo, What one is not, 115 - Negative party identity lowers democratic satisfaction except toward far-right parties
#exemplifies(0.82) — Sabrina J. Mayer and Luana Russo, What one is not, 96 - Negative identification against radical-right parties can raise democratic satisfaction.
#qualifies(0.80) — Sabrina J. Mayer and Luana Russo, What one is not, 96 - Whether negational party identity is ideologically anchored remains untested
#expands(0.76) — Sabrina J. Mayer and Luana Russo, What one is not, 119