A negational partisan identity functions independently of affirmative partisan identity

Evidence

Following Zhong et al. (2008)‘s work on “negational identities”, in this paper we consider NPI as a case of such a negational identity. Individuals either have a fully formed partisanship relying on intergroup categorizations, i.e., having positive partisanship or NPI, or only hold such a negational identity that is defined by outgroups only. In both cases, NPI should be studied as a concept independent from PPI, and that brings the same advantages for individuals as PPI: it provides structure for dealing with the political environment, and it offers affective benefits based on not belonging to a certain social category or group. — Sabrina J. Mayer and Luana Russo, What one is not, 22

Categorization

  • DEFINE: Defines ‘negational identity’ as distinct from affirmative partisanship built on ingroup categorization, and asserts functional independence from PPI.
  • XREF: Directly feeds the We-They Engine thread: this paper operationalizes the negational-vs-affirmative distinction that thread needs. — connects to: A validated partisan identity measure outperforms traditional strength measures at predicting behavior — Alexa Bankert and Leonie Huddy, Partisan Identity Scale (PIS), 143; Making negational identity salient shifts voting choices toward shared out-group members — Roderick M. Kramer, Geoffrey J. Leonardelli, Robert W. Livingston, Social Cognition, Social Identity, and…, 1115; Negational identities produce both out-group derogation and in-group favoritism — Roderick M. Kramer, Geoffrey J. Leonardelli, Robert W. Livingston, Social Cognition, Social Identity, and…, 1112 (+3 more)

Broader Connections