Communist-era organizational flexibility determined which parties later thrived democratically

Evidence

Some did resemble the stereotypical fossilized bureaucracy with little interest in genuine representation or engagement. Their elite selection favored ideological loyalty over practical skills, and these elites neither reformed policy nor engaged society. Such parties were unable subsequently to transform themselves into broadly supported democratic competitors. Instead, they were more likely to retain their communist-era appeals and constituencies. Others, however, were far more flexible in their goals and practices, geared toward advancing pragmatic elites, willing to negotiate with the societies they ostensibly governed and to implement economic and political liberalization. These parties could more readily and credibly change their appeals and orientation. … Ironically, therefore, containing democracy in the communist era required many of the same skills and policies that would later make the parties such effective democratic competitors. — Anna M. Grzymala-Busse, Redeeming The Communist Past, 62

Categorization

  • XREF: Directly parallel to the question of communist successor parties after 1989 — which survived by finding new organizing threats vs. which decayed; this identifies the pre-1989 structural predictor rather than post-collapse adaptation alone. — connects to: Communist organizational legacies paradoxically enabled successor parties’ democratic survival; Pre-1989 administrative skills ported directly into post-transition democratic competition. — Anna M. Grzymala-Busse, Redeeming The Communist Past: The…, 368; Successor party resurgence combined post-1989 conditions, communist legacies, and crafted appeals — Anna M. Grzymala-Busse, Redeeming The Communist Past: The…, 1197 (+19 more)

Broader Connections