Andrew L. Whitehead; Samuel L. Perry — Taking America Back for God
55 published claims from this book.
- A distinct accommodationist group endorses Christian values without demanding Christian nationhood
- A narrow majority of Americans still oppose removing school prayer and Bible reading
- A quarter of evangelicals oppose Christian nationalism, not all endorse it
- About 60 percent of Americans believe the US was ever a Christian nation
- Accommodators are evenly split between evangelical and Catholic affiliation
- Accommodators skew older and more female than other Christian nationalism groups
- Adherents explain prosperity as reward for national fidelity to the Bible
- Age, not aging, drives Christian nationalist support, predicting its decline through cohort replacement.
- American Christian affiliation declined from 77 to 71 percent between 2007 and 2017.
- American opinion on independence shifted decisively within a single year
- Americans rejecting Christian nationalism skew young, white, and male
- Americans who resist Christian nationalism span all political affiliations
- Belief that America is a Christian nation fell sharply from 2012 to 2017
- Christian nationalism differs from the Christian nation narrative in its boundary-preserving intent
- Christian nationalism encodes racialized national membership boundaries including anti-Muslim exclusion
- Christian nationalism exerts unique unrecognized influence on American political division
- Christian nationalism fuses ethnic, racial, and political hierarchy with religious identity
- Christian nationalism had not been systematically measured with large-scale quantitative data before this book
- Christian nationalism independently drives racial intolerance in white Americans
- Christian nationalism is a civic-political commitment, not mere chauvinism.
- Christian nationalism is a dynamic ideology, not a single founding belief
- Christian nationalism is contested terrain even among devout Christian civic leaders
- Christian nationalism is not synonymous with white evangelicalism.
- Christian nationalism shapes even those Americans who reject it
- Christian nationalism today is premillennial and frames war as God-sanctioned conquest.
- Christian nationalism, not evangelical identity itself, predicts Trump voting.
- Christian nationalism, not evangelical identity, drives conservative support for Trump
- Christian nationalism, unlike devout religiosity, elevates militarism and rejects social justice morality.
- Christian nationalist claims about America provoke backlash even from devout Christians
- Christian nationalist commitment spans nation-present and nation-lost variants
- Christian nationalist pastors claim America’s Christian heritage is evident in founding documents
- Christian nationalist support exists in every US region and nowhere forms a majority
- Christian nationalist worship frames national decline as divine punishment for apostasy from God’s laws
- Christian nationalist zeal indexes commitment to a threatened racial and gender hierarchy
- Christian nationalists read the First Amendment as one-directional church protection
- Declining Christian nationalist numbers make their adherents feel threatened and marginalized
- Evangelical churches fuse patriotic and military ritual with Christian worship to sacralize the nation
- Evangelical identity alone predicts almost no political behavior once Christian nationalism is accounted for
- Full Christian nationalist support correlates linearly with higher religiosity
- High support for Christian nationalism is slowly declining while accommodation persists
- Ideological commitments predict Christian nationalism far more than demographics or party identity
- Most Americans hold moderate mixed views on religion’s role in public life
- Nations borrow religion’s sacred aura even when claiming universality
- Political party alone does not explain Americans’ Christian nationalist views
- Reactionary leaders can reactivate Christian nationalism during unrest
- Rejecters of Christian nationalism skew highly educated, urban, and affluent
- Religious commitment and Christian nationalism shape opinions in opposite directions
- Religious disaffiliation correlates with rising opposition to Christian nationalism.
- Some evangelicals reject any connection between Christianity and politics
- Support for Christian nationalism fell while opposition grew sharply from 2007 to 2017.
- Survey scores understate Christian nationalist conviction in a third of the population.
- The Broederbond and ANC diverged structurally from opposite religious roots
- The piety movement unsettles the nationalist-identitarian imaginary shared by its critics.
- The United States was not founded as an explicitly Christian nation
- White Americans overrepresent committed Christian nationalists versus resisters