Christian nationalist zeal indexes commitment to a threatened racial and gender hierarchy
Evidence
But readers should not mistake these fears as limited solely to religious identity. There is more to the “us” that Christian nationalists wish to defend and more to the “them” that Christian nationalists wish to oppose. Throughout the book, we will show that the degree to which Americans seek to impose Christianity on the public sphere often operates as a powerful indicator of their commitment to a specific social order—with boundaries and hierarchies among natives and foreigners, whites and nonwhites, men and women, heterosexuals and others—an order they recognize is also being threatened. — Andrew L. Whitehead; Samuel L. Perry, Taking America Back for God, 45
Categorization
- XREF: Directly extends Cooper’s thesis about the religious right defending a traditional social order; also parallels the Islamophobia-as-civilizational-defense materials in vault. — connects to: Christian nationalism fuses ethnic, racial, and political hierarchy with religious identity — Andrew L. Whitehead; Samuel L. Perry, Taking America Back for God, 66; White Christian nationalist beliefs predict perceived anti-white discrimination — Philip S. Gorski and Samuel L. Perry, The Flag and the Cross: White Christian…, 93; Christian nationalism fuses moral traditionalism, authoritarian control, and ethno-racial boundaries — Andrew L. Whitehead, American Idolatry, 142 (+15 more)
- SEED: Angle: Christian nationalism as a proxy measure for defending raced-gendered hierarchy, usable in a piece comparing it to Trump-era immigration politics.
Broader Connections
- Christian nationalism conflates whiteness with Christian American identity
#corroborates(0.90) — Andrew L. Whitehead; Samuel L. Perry, Taking America Back for God, 14 - White Christian nationalist beliefs predict perceived anti-white discrimination
#corroborates(0.85) — Philip S. Gorski and Samuel L. Perry, The Flag and the Cross, 93 - Christian nationalism survey items predict racial attitudes even though they mention no race
#corroborates(0.85) — Philip S. Gorski and Samuel L. Perry, The Flag and the Cross, 91 - Christian nationalism fuses ethnic, racial, and political hierarchy with religious identity
#expands(0.80) — Andrew L. Whitehead; Samuel L. Perry, Taking America Back for God, 66 - Christian nationalism fuses moral traditionalism, authoritarian control, and ethno-racial boundaries
#corroborates(0.80) — Andrew L. Whitehead, American Idolatry, 142 - Christian nationalism encodes racialized national membership boundaries including anti-Muslim exclusion
#expands(0.80) — Andrew L. Whitehead; Samuel L. Perry, Taking America Back for God, 91 - Christian nationalism independently drives racial intolerance in white Americans
#expands(0.80) — Andrew L. Whitehead; Samuel L. Perry, Taking America Back for God, 98 - Christian nationalism predicts ultra-conservatism mainly for white Americans, not Black or Hispanic
#qualifies(0.75) — Philip S. Gorski and Samuel L. Perry, The Flag and the Cross, 98 - Grassroots mobilization coexists with direct elite capture in today’s Christian nationalism
#expands(0.70) — Katherine Stewart, The Power Worshippers, 142 - Christian nationalism independently predicts pandemic-era immigrant scapegoating among whites
#expands(0.70) — Philip S. Gorski and Samuel L. Perry, The Flag and the Cross, 129