Survivor reactions in emergencies spread to others as unintended social influence.

Evidence

In an emergency, survivors’ emotional and behavioural responses are likely to be influenced not only by the experience of threat, but also by the reactions of other survivors. In general, we use others’ emotions to provide us with information about shared situations, which can lead to shared emotions; and we are more motivated to employ this social appraisal process under conditions of uncertainty (Bruder, Fischer, & Manstead, 2014). We can infer from this point that, in an emergency, seeing others being anxious (or calm) will often lead people to feel the same. Extending the principle, it seems likely that when people see fellow survivors provide social support (or being neglectful) in an emergency, this can convey information (about expectations), and therefore increase the likelihood that they too will give support (or be neglectful). Likewise, the sight of people fleeing (or discounting a signal of threat) can influence the extent to which others also flee as well as specific exit routes taken (or instead delay their exit). In short, others’ reactions in emergencies and disasters can operate as sources of unintended social influence, leading to shared behaviours. — John Drury, The role of social identity processes…, 119

Categorization

• XREF: Social appraisal theory and emotional contagion connect to wider work on crowds (e.g., The Crowd by Le Bon, which the very next paragraph engages directly). — connects to: People act collectively in emergencies despite being conditioned toward individual self-interest. — John Drury, The role of social identity processes…, 14; Watching others give help makes disaster survivors give help themselves via expected reciprocity. — John Drury and Rupert Brown and Roberto González and Daniel Miranda, Emergent social identity and observing…, 6; Bystanders give less support after humanmade disasters than natural ones. — John Drury, The role of social identity processes…, 156 (+1 more)
• corroborated: 5 independent passages support this claim — John Drury, The role of social identity processes…, 119

Related

• Watching others give help makes disaster survivors give help themselves via expected reciprocity. (similarity 0.88)
• Bystanders give less support after humanmade disasters than natural ones. (similarity 0.88)
• Disaster responders shape survivors’ help-giving through the example they set. (similarity 0.87)
• Survivors who experienced unity in an emergency also helped others. (similarity 0.86)
• Disaster survivors who feel shared fate identify socially and give emotional support (similarity 0.86)
• Social support in disasters ranges from individual acts to collective cooperation. (similarity 0.86)
• Observing others act together drives disaster solidarity more than identification (similarity 0.86)
• Shared identity that enables crowd helping often emerges during an emergency rather than pre-existing. (similarity 0.86)
• Shared emergent identity from common fate explains collective support amid disasters (similarity 0.86)
• Crowds during disasters are a resource for support, not a panic problem. (similarity 0.85)
• Mutual helping, not selfish flight, is the dominant emergency behaviour (similarity 0.85)
• Emergency services overwhelmed after sudden disasters make mutual aid essential for survival. (similarity 0.85)
• Emergency responders should deliberately cultivate shared identity with survivors. (similarity 0.84)
• Mass emergency behaviour stems from social identity, not panic or irrationality (similarity 0.84)
• Emergencies typically produce mutual aid and orderliness rather than competitive panic. (similarity 0.84)

Broader Connections

• Watching others give help makes disaster survivors give help themselves via expected reciprocity. #corroborates (0.78) — John Drury and Rupert Brown and Roberto González and Daniel Miranda, Emergent social identity and observing…, 6