Shared danger of death heightens unity among strangers in an emergency.

Evidence

Discussion Accounts of unity with strangers in the crowd as a whole were common in the data-set. However variation in the strength or consistency in descriptions of unity enabled us to divide the sample into highand low-identifiers in order to examine the antecedents and consequences of such feelings of unity. While some survivors reported a sense of unity with others at the beginning of the event, more interesting was the enhancement or emergence of unity that developed in relation to the emergency itself. There was a clear pattern such that those high in identification were more likely to report a shared fate than were those low in identification. Some were even explicit that it was the shared danger of death that brought them together. — John Drury and Chris Cocking and Steve Reicher, Everyone for themselves? A comparative…, 104

Categorization

• XREF: Connects to crowd psychology and the critique of the ‘mass panic’ narrative — parallels ‘mass panic’ theme of the moral-panic framing found across the emergency-literature corpus. — connects to: People act collectively in emergencies despite being conditioned toward individual self-interest. — John Drury, The role of social identity processes…, 14; Shared fate in danger makes strangers act as one group offering help. — John Drury, The role of social identity processes…, 47; A shared identity can emerge within a crowd only after an emergency begins. — John Drury, The role of social identity processes…, 61 (+18 more)
• corroborated: 2 independent passages support this claim — John Drury and Chris Cocking and Steve Reicher, Everyone for themselves? A comparative…, 104

Related

• Greater perceived threat of death produces more solidarity among strangers, not more competition. (similarity 0.93)
• Shared danger makes people feel close to strangers and motivates mutual help. (similarity 0.92)
• Shared fate in danger makes strangers act as one group offering help. (similarity 0.91)
• Disaster survivors in a crowd describe intense unity with strangers. (similarity 0.89)
• Solidarity among emergency survivors stems from perceiving strangers as oneself. (similarity 0.89)
• People act collectively in emergencies despite being conditioned toward individual self-interest. (similarity 0.88)
• Shared identity can emerge rapidly during, not before, an emergency. (similarity 0.88)
• Shared identity that enables crowd helping often emerges during an emergency rather than pre-existing. (similarity 0.88)
• A shared identity can emerge within a crowd only after an emergency begins. (similarity 0.87)
• Facing a shared threat transforms individuals into a psychological crowd with emergent shared identity (similarity 0.87)
• Survivors helped others even while still perceiving a real danger of death (similarity 0.87)
• Shared emergent identity from common fate explains collective support amid disasters (similarity 0.87)
• Survivors who experienced unity in an emergency also helped others. (similarity 0.87)
• The emergency itself, not an outgroup, can define group boundaries (similarity 0.87)
• A psychological crowd forms from mere co-presence under shared threat. (similarity 0.86)

Broader Connections

• Greater perceived threat of death produces more solidarity among strangers, not more competition. #corroborates (0.95) — John Drury and Chris Cocking and Steve Reicher, Everyone for themselves? A comparative…, 110
• Shared catastrophe briefly unites people across difference before giving way to division and reprisal #qualifies (0.85)
• A psychological crowd forms from mere co-presence under shared threat. #corroborates (0.80) — John Drury and Chris Cocking and Steve Reicher, Everyone for themselves? A comparative…, 104
• Fear of death and self-uncertainty motivate people to join groups #expands (0.75) — Roderick M. Kramer, Geoffrey J. Leonardelli, Robert W. Livingston, Social Cognition, Social Identity, and…, 2338