White Christian nationalists blamed Black Americans rather than social conditions for COVID disparities
Evidence
But white Christian nationalism wasnât just associated with blaming minorities outside of the country. It was also linked with whites blaming minorities inside the country for their disproportionate infection rates. Early on in the pandemic it became clear that poorer, minority communities were being infected with COVID-19 at higher rates. Public health scholars determined this was largely due to the fact that poorer minorities were more likely to work in situations where they couldnât safely distance (e.g., food service), have comorbidities, and live in areas with less access to health care. However, we asked Americans how much they agreed with statements placing the blame for higher infection rates on Black Americans behaving irresponsibly or, conversely, on our unjust society (see Figure 1.5). As we might expect, the more that white Americans affirmed Christian nationalism, the more likely they were to blame Blacks themselves and disagree that their higher infection rates were a symptom of circumstance. These patterns make little sense unless we remember that, for whites, political theology also reflects racialized assumptions about civic belonging and worth. â Philip S. Gorski and Samuel L. Perry, The Flag and the Cross, 133
Categorization
- XREF: Connects to the larger scholarship on Christian nationalism as racialized civic belonging (e.g., Perry & Whitehead, and the âracialized assumptions about civic belongingâ echo the racial-classificatory work of these scholars). â connects to: Christian nationalism independently predicts pandemic-era immigrant scapegoating among whites â Philip S. Gorski and Samuel L. Perry, The Flag and the Cross: White ChristianâŠ, 129; White Christian nationalism, not mere distrust, drove evangelical COVID vaccine refusal. â Philip S. Gorski and Samuel L. Perry, The Flag and the Cross: White ChristianâŠ, 142; Christian nationalism independently drives racial intolerance in white Americans â Andrew L. Whitehead; Samuel L. Perry, Taking America Back for God, 98 (+7 more)
- SEED: Angle: how a theological commitment (Christian nationalism) predicts a specific, falsifiable attribution style about epidemiology â blame-the-victim readings of health data.
Broader Connections
- White Christian nationalism, not mere distrust, drove evangelical COVID vaccine refusal.
#expands(0.85) â Philip S. Gorski and Samuel L. Perry, The Flag and the Cross, 142 - Christian nationalism independently drives racial intolerance in white Americans
#expands(0.80) â Andrew L. Whitehead; Samuel L. Perry, Taking America Back for God, 98 - Health influencers reframed racial Covid disparities as evidence it only kills others
#corroborates(0.80) â Naomi Klein, Doppelganger, 611 - White Christian nationalism shaped which authorities Americans trusted during the pandemic
#expands(0.80) â Philip S. Gorski and Samuel L. Perry, The Flag and the Cross, 134 - Christian nationalism conflates whiteness with Christian American identity
#expands(0.80) â Andrew L. Whitehead; Samuel L. Perry, Taking America Back for God, 14 - Christian nationalist zeal indexes commitment to a threatened racial and gender hierarchy
#expands(0.80) â Andrew L. Whitehead; Samuel L. Perry, Taking America Back for God, 45 - Christian nationalism predicts ultra-conservatism mainly for white Americans, not Black or Hispanic
#qualifies(0.75) â Philip S. Gorski and Samuel L. Perry, The Flag and the Cross, 98 - Trump scapegoated minorities to deflect COVID-19 blame
#corroborates(0.75) â Philip S. Gorski and Samuel L. Perry, The Flag and the Cross, 127 - Whiteness alone links Christian nationalist belief to right-wing political mobilization
#expands(0.75) â Philip S. Gorski and Samuel L. Perry, The Flag and the Cross, 81