Rights of assembly were won through struggle but then contained by new police forces.

Evidence

The emergence of the demonstration as an established claim-making performance has shown us a bargain that no ruler initially wanted to make nonetheless becoming powerful. Where rulers had once tolerated or even prescribed public displays of WUNC by acceptable groups of citizens, regimes moved through struggle to rights of assembly, association, and speech on the part of claimants that were often hostile to current governments. At first broken up, shot down, and prosecuted as riots, demonstrations acquired a quasi-legal standing in all democratic regimes. Indeed, the demonstration became such an effective way of displaying WUNC that during the later twentieth century it began to diffuse widely into semi-democratic regimes and the less repressed segments of nondemocratic regimes as well. At the same time, however, regimes created police forces that contained most demonstrations within tolerated limits. As a result, domestic claim-making became simultaneously less violent, more frequent, and larger in scale. — Charles Tilly, Regimes and Repertoires, 1327

Categorization

• XREF: Directly serves the reader’s central test: the demonstration’s quasi-legalization IS the institutional absorption that simultaneously defuses subordinate-group violence (less violent) while enabling it at scale — precisely the asymmetry mechanism concerning which rights regimes legitimate whose politicization. — connects to: Army refusal to police civilians led to dedicated political police forces; Organized leftists helped a mining rebellion outgrow police control — Vincent Bevins, If We Burn: The Mass Protest Decade and…, 191; The stateless problem turned the police into an independent ruling authority (+4 more)
• DEEPTHINKING: The core claim — legalization of contention simultaneously channels and multiplies it, and rulers build police to contain what they legalized — is dense enough to sit with for days and directly tensions with the premise that absorption defuses politicization.
• corroborated: 2 independent passages support this claim — Charles Tilly, Regimes and Repertoires, 1327

Broader Connections

• Urban police forces originated partly to suppress class rebellion #expands (0.90) — Lyn H. Lofland, World of Strangers_ Order and Action in…, 1119
• Formal civil rights gains left economic conditions and police violence unaddressed #corroborates (0.85) — Nikole Hannah-Jones et al., The 1619 Project, 393
• Early British struggles won exceptional rights that later struggles re-purposed toward class and citizenship #corroborates (0.82) — Charles Tilly, Regimes and Repertoires, 363
• Army refusal to police civilians led to dedicated political police forces #expands (0.78)
• Egal’s regime centralized police power under the Interior minister #exemplifies (0.76) — Abdi Ismail Samatar, Africa’s First Democrats, 1490
• Organized leftists helped a mining rebellion outgrow police control #exemplifies (0.74) — Vincent Bevins, If We Burn, 191
• The stateless problem turned the police into an independent ruling authority #qualifies (0.72)