Postwar racial paradigms each relied on a single explanatory category.
Evidence
The three paradigms of race that developed during the postwar period were all limited by their partiality. They all relied on one central category— culture, inequality, or peoplehood— in their interpretations of racial dynamics in the United States. — Michael Omi, Howard Winant, Racial Formation in the United States, 237
Categorization
Category: Definitional Content
- DEFINE: Condenses the book’s organizing contrast among ethnicity, class, and nation paradigms into one sentence.
Related
- Racial theory reduces to ethnicity, class, and nation paradigms (similarity 0.89)
- Postwar U.S. racial history reversed from despotism transformation to containment (similarity 0.83)
- Racial theory emerges in response to historical upheavals, not abstract curiosity. (similarity 0.83)
- US Marxists substituted national categories for racial ones out of theoretical necessity (similarity 0.82)
- A black-white paradigm in antiracism theory obscures other racisms and inequality forms (similarity 0.81)
- Racial categories are unstable and shift through contested definition (similarity 0.80)
- Race and racism must be distinguished analytically and politically (similarity 0.80)
- Racist ideas divide into segregationist and assimilationist varieties, opposed by antiracism (similarity 0.80)
- Modern racial states are constituted through the legal fashioning of racial categories (similarity 0.80)
- Post-war racism shifted from biological hierarchy to cultural difference. (similarity 0.80)
- Racism theories divide into ideology-focused and structural-inequality approaches (similarity 0.80)
- Racism varies across a spectrum of distinct configurations rather than being one fixed phenomenon. (similarity 0.80)
- Class-versus-race debate falsely forced a single privileged explanatory category. (similarity 0.79)
- Race studies spread across disciplines, displacing class-centered analysis and its sociological monopoly. (similarity 0.79)
- Economic paradigms explain racial and ethnic divisions as effects of economic structures (similarity 0.79)