Old-fashioned racism declined but prejudice mutated into subtler forms

Evidence

Although the evidence of the gradual disappearance of old-fashioned racism is rarely disputed, a debate ensued about whether or not racial prejudice was disappearing with it. Many social psychologists concluded that it had not disappeared but had changed its form. Various new forms were proposed, having much in common although variously labeled as “symbolic racism,” “racial resentment,” “modern racism,” “laissez-faire racism,” or “subtle prejudice.” Their conceptualizations shared three common elements: (a) general replacement of old-fashioned racism with acceptance of formal racial equality, and (b) continuing negative affect toward Blacks (whether animosity, uneasiness, or distancing), mixed in some way with (c) nonracial values, such as traditional morality, individualism, and the Protestant Ethic. … Considerable research showed these “new racisms” predicted opposition to racial policies and to Black political candidates. As a result, they were interpreted as having taken over the political role once played by old-fashioned racism (for reviews, see Hutchings & Valentino, 2004; Krysan, 2000; Sears & Henry, in press). — , Rudman, Laurie A - On the Nature of…, 2167 (#corroborates, via linked claim)

On the subject of racism, political psychologists are in general agreement that racism still exists, but it has changed forms. Although some, like Bobo (Reading 19), believe that older theories such as realistic conflict theory are capable of explaining current racial attitudes in the United States and Europe, most believe that racism has gone “underground” and requires new theories and methods. The most influential approaches to the “new racism” include modern racism theory (McConahay, 1986), symbolic racism theory (Sears, 1988), ambivalent racism theory (Katz & Hass, 1988), subtle racism theory (Pettigrew & Meertens, 1995), racial resentment theory (Kinder & Sanders, 1996), and aversive racism theory (Dovidio & Gaertner, 1986, 1998). While there are important differences among these theoretical perspectives, all assume that old-fashioned, blatant racism is no longer the potent determinant of racial and political attitudes that it once was. Rather, the claim is that old-fashioned racism has been supplanted by a more subtle, insidious form of racial prejudice that is not always accessible to conscious awareness (see also, Ayres, 2001; Devine, 1989; Nosek, Banaji, & Greenwald, 2002). — John T. Jost and Jim Sidanius, Political Psychology, 143 (#corroborates, via linked claim)

One dramatic change in the nature of prejudice and discrimination is the substantial evidence of subtle or aversive racism (see Gaertner & Dovidio, ch. 5 this volume). Allport wrote in the context of blatant, public, and legally sanctioned patterns of discrimination. For the most part, this oldfashioned racism has been transformed into less obvious threats to opportunity and well-being. What are the adaptive strategies that targets employ to create or maintain psychological safety and self-worth in this more nebulous but palpable world of psychological threat? — John F. Dovidio, Peter Glick, Laurie A. Rudman, On the Nature of Prejudice, 1101 (#corroborates, via linked claim)

Categorization

  • XREF: connects to: Dog-whistle theory may be outdated because overt racial prejudice is now socially acceptable. — Rachel Wetts and Robb Willer, Who Is Called by the Dog Whistle?…, 26; Trump-era racism was more overt than anything since the civil rights era; Old-fashioned racism is no longer an effective political force in America (+17 more)

Broader Connections