Gender groups validate the distinction between assigning and accepting collective guilt.
Evidence
In order to ensure that such group history differences were not speciļ¬c to linguistic or racial group memberships, we employed gender as a high versus low status categorization in a ļ¬nal known-groups validation study. Canadian participants (N = 80) were asked to indicate ļ¬rst their gender group membership and then to complete the acceptance and assignment of collective guilt subscales. By ļ¬rst making salient participantsā own gender group membership, we expected that men and women would differentially respond to the collective guilt measures. As expected, women (M = 4.48) were reliably more likely to assign collective guilt compared to men (M = 3.25) when gender was salient. Although in the expected direction, with men (M = 4.77) more likely to accept collective guilt than women (M = 4.35), their acceptance scores did not signiļ¬cantly differ. Women did not differentially assign versus accept collective guilt, although men were 28 Nyla R. ā Nyla R. Branscombe and Bertjan Doosje (eds.), Collective Guilt, 213
Categorization
- XREF: connects to: Accepting collective responsibility makes both assigning and accepting guilt feasible. ā Nyla R. Branscombe and Bertjan Doosje (eds.), Collective Guilt: Internationalā¦, 160; Collective guilt acceptance and assignment rest on different psychological conditions. ā Nyla R. Branscombe and Bertjan Doosje (eds.), Collective Guilt: Internationalā¦, 92; Perpetrator and victim groups favor accepting versus assigning guilt ā Nyla R. Branscombe and Bertjan Doosje (eds.), Collective Guilt: Internationalā¦, 152
Broader Connections
- Collective guilt acceptance and assignment rest on different psychological conditions.
#corroborates(0.88) ā Nyla R. Branscombe and Bertjan Doosje (eds.), Collective Guilt, 92 - Perpetrator and victim groups favor accepting versus assigning guilt
#expands(0.85) ā Nyla R. Branscombe and Bertjan Doosje (eds.), Collective Guilt, 152