Defeated at court, antibusing forces reframed resistance as class favoritism against working-class neighborhoods.

Evidence

After 1971, the CPA faded from the scene as a political force, but it would take three more arduous years and a new grassroots movement by ordinary white and black citizens to overcome the legacies of the antibusing uprising and break the impasse between the district court and the municipal leadership. … In the wake of the Supreme Court defeat, the Charlotte-Mecklenburg school board adopted a new formula that concentrated the busing burden in the black and white neighborhoods on the north side and west side and that effectively exempted the affluent families in the southeast suburbs from two-way integration. … Judge McMillan observed that the “class discrimination” in the busing plan created neighborhood schooling “protectorates” in Myers Park and other politically connected and economically powerful areas, but he suspended judgment on the question of whether obvious socioeconomic inequality would produce unconstitutional racial resegregation. — Matthew D. Lassiter, The Suburban Origins of “Color-Blind”…, 101

Categorization

• ADDENDUM: The busing burden falling on white working-class north/west Charlotte, not the affluent southeast, is a precise granular account of how a segregationist defeat was channeled into socioeconomic grievance — directly useful to the reader’s inquiry.
• QUESTION: McMillan’s suspension of judgment on whether class inequality ‘would produce unconstitutional racial resegregation’ — worth chasing how this unresolved question later played out.
• XREF: connects to: Antibusing forces framed their cause as upholding Brown’s color-blind principle rather than as resistance. — Matthew D. Lassiter, The Suburban Origins of “Color-Blind”…, 99; The antibusing movement reframed a legal defeat as a political-popular fight that must extend. — Matthew D. Lassiter, The Suburban Origins of “Color-Blind”…, 68; Class divisions fractured the white antibusing movement in Charlotte. (+1 more)

Related

• Class divisions fractured the white antibusing movement in Charlotte. (similarity 0.92)
• Antibusing forces framed their cause as upholding Brown’s color-blind principle rather than as resistance. (similarity 0.86)
• Court-ordered busing fought a class-and-race divide fused into the urban-suburban landscape. (similarity 0.85)
• The antibusing movement reframed a legal defeat as a political-popular fight that must extend. (similarity 0.85)
• The antibusing revolt openly fought to protect suburban residential and consumer privileges. (similarity 0.85)
• 1990s suburbans rebranded desegregation opposition as color-blind neighborhood protection (similarity 0.84)
• The courts’ one-way model of integration shaped white suburban resistance to mutual busing. (similarity 0.84)
• A losing local antibusing revolt still rewrote national integration policy to protect suburbs. (similarity 0.83)
• Antibusing activists reframed opposition to desegregation as defense of individual liberty against state coercion. (similarity 0.83)
• A losing busing fight still reshaped national politics toward color-blindness. (similarity 0.82)
• Southern whites framed busing as punishing their legitimate hard work (similarity 0.82)
• Judge-imposed racial desegregation can take root where most whites accept it (similarity 0.82)
• Matthew D. Lassiter — The Suburban Origins of Color-Blind Conservatism Middle-Class Consciousness in the Charlotte Busing Crisis (similarity 0.82)
• A middle-class antibusing movement forced segregationist ideology into a ‘color-blind’ populist frame. (similarity 0.82)
• White southerners largely complied with desegregation once defiance demonstrably failed (similarity 0.81)

Broader Connections

• Antibusing activists reframed opposition to desegregation as defense of individual liberty against state coercion. #corroborates (0.85) — Matthew D. Lassiter, The Suburban Origins of “Color-Blind”…, 58