Color-blind ideology enshrined suburban autonomy and white racial innocence as national doctrine.

Evidence

On the national stage, the forces set in motion by the original uprising of the Silent Majority undermined the spatial and socioeconomic remedies necessary to confront widespread patterns of metropolitan inequality. … Ultimately, the reliance on the NAACP and the judicial branch to devise, implement, and enforce the nation’s desegregation policies illustrated the absence of a political coalition willing to address the suburban fusion of racial and class segregation or even to acknowledge that this represented a New American Dilemma at all. … The CPA failed to prevent court-ordered busing in Charlotte, but the campaign of middle-class warfare launched in the subdivisions of Mecklenburg County played a central role in the realignment of national politics and the consequent judicial evolution toward a color-blind ideology that embraced the dual doctrines of suburban neighborhood autonomy and white racial innocence. — Matthew D. Lassiter, The Suburban Origins of “Color-Blind”…, 113

Categorization

• XREF: The ‘New American Dilemma’ is named in echo of Gunnar Myrdal’s ‘An American Dilemma’; the judicial retreat to color-blindness parallels the rebranding dynamic in the reader’s existing work on segregationist ideologies. — connects to: Colorblind conservatism rebranded white residential privilege as neutral meritocracy. — Matthew D. Lassiter, The Suburban Origins of “Color-Blind”…, 8; Nixon’s 1970 desegregation stance adopted the suburban antibusing movement’s color-blind ideology. — Matthew D. Lassiter, The Suburban Origins of “Color-Blind”…, 76; Racial innocence ideology let white suburbanites fail to consider government culpability — Matthew D. Lassiter, The Suburban Origins of “Color-Blind”…, 42 (+12 more)
• DEEPTHINKING: The claim that a failed local busing campaign nonetheless reorganized national politics and judicial doctrine is a subtle point about how losing particular battles can still win the ideological war — a case where defeat produced victory through reframing.

Broader Connections

• 1990s suburbans rebranded desegregation opposition as color-blind neighborhood protection #exemplifies (0.90) — Matthew D. Lassiter, The Suburban Origins of “Color-Blind”…, 109
• Racial innocence ideology let white suburbanites fail to consider government culpability #expands (0.88) — Matthew D. Lassiter, The Suburban Origins of “Color-Blind”…, 42
• Color-blindness rhetoric was used to preserve white privilege #corroborates (0.85)
• Color-blindness replaced explicit white supremacy as racism’s new justification #corroborates (0.85) — Eddie S. Glaude Jr., Democracy in Black, 299
• Modern conservatism abandoned explicit white supremacy for color-blind individualism #corroborates (0.83) — Eddie S. Glaude Jr., Democracy in Black, 299
• Colorblindness ideology rearticulated civil rights gains into a new racism #corroborates (0.82) — Michael Omi, Howard Winant, Racial Formation in the United States, 192
• Antiracist reforms repackaged white supremacy as color blindness #corroborates (0.82) — Evelyn Alsultany, Arabs and Muslims in the Media, 91
• Color-blind ideology masks ongoing discrimination while appearing egalitarian #expands (0.80) — David Theo Goldberg, John Solomos, A Companion to Racial and Ethnic Studies, 1850
• Suburban homogeneity made conservatism’s color-blind claims plausible by removing the evidence against them #qualifies (0.80) — Kevin M. Kruse, White Flight, 35
• Color-blind rhetoric revived segregationism by condemning discussion of racism as itself racist #corroborates (0.80) — Ibram X. Kendi, Stamped from the Beginning, 1162
• Colorblind formalism rescued racism when movements threatened its material order. #corroborates (0.78) — David Theo Goldberg, The Threat of Race, 128
• Colorblind ideology reframes race consciousness itself as the racism to be ended. #expands (0.78) — Michael Omi, Howard Winant, Racial Formation in the United States, 241
• Colorblind ideology works only because it partly reflects real post-civil-rights gains #corroborates (0.77) — Michael Omi, Howard Winant, Racial Formation in the United States, 245