Symbolic racism scales may measure opposition to big government, not racial attitudes.

Evidence

To address this “common-content” critique, we purge symbolic racism scales of items that might partly reflect opposition to big government. If content overlap explains the effects of symbolic racism on racial policy preferences, the purged scale should have markedly reduced effects. Also, if symbolic racism has “expropriated” explanatory variance that more properly belongs to opposition to big government, use of the purged scale should allow that variance to return to its proper home, in the form of increased coefficients for nonracial conservatism. — Christopher Tarman and David O. Sears, The Conceptualization and Measurement…, 28

Categorization

  • XREF: Directly relevant to the reader’s research on whether threat perception is measured distinctly from the political attitudes it predicts. The ‘common-content’ purge parallels the concern about symbolic racism scales sharing content with political-conservatism outcomes. — connects to: Symbolic racism scales measure a distinct attitude rather than mere conservatism — Christopher Tarman and David O. Sears, The Conceptualization and Measurement…, 192; Symbolic racism is not reducible to political conservatism — , Rudman, Laurie A - On the Nature of…, 2179; Symbolic racism explains racial policy preferences independent of conservatism. — John F. Dovidio, Peter Glick, Laurie A. Rudman, On the Nature of Prejudice: Fifty Years…, 2179 (+2 more)
  • QUESTION: If purging the scale of big-government-content items reduces its effect on policy preferences, does that vindicate the measurement critique or just confirm that racism and small-government ideology genuinely corrlate in the electorate?
  • DEFINE: Defines the methodological ‘expropriation of variance’ logic from Tetlock’s critique and how it is empirically tested.

Broader Connections