Social media prominence did not track real-world influence in protest movements.

Evidence

It was undeniable that Facebook had played some role in the events of January 2011, and many of those who became unofficial spokespeople for “the Square” also became such on Twitter. Over the following ten years, media companies, brands, and all kinds of corporations would spend ungodly sums of money trying to figure out which kinds of things generate engagement on corporate social media. But for whatever reason, some people—whether it was because they were articulate, loud, interesting, or shocking—rose to prominence on these networks (often to the chagrin of others who had more influence on the ground or had gained a following in the older world of long-form blogs). — Vincent Bevins, If We Burn, 299

Categorization

  • XREF: Connects to the book’s broader thesis about how protest movements spread and later fell apart, and to Zelizer/Ross arguments about network-fetishism decoupling from ground organizing. — connects to: A protest’s media success can diverge from its organizers’ goals — Vincent Bevins, If We Burn: The Mass Protest Decade and…, 393; Political movements that become media spectacles lose their real-world referent — Fredric Jameson, Postmodernism, or, The Cultural Logic…, 888; Public social media platforms expose protest strategy to adversaries (+5 more)

Broader Connections