Religious primes influence even nonreligious people through mere cultural knowledge

Evidence

Gervais et al. (2017) found that atheists partake in the global moral condemnation of atheists. In several different studies, Laurin et al. (2012) reported that religious priming effects were found for both religious and nonreligious participants. This is also consistent with the finding that exposure to stereotypes influences behavior even among those who do not endorse those stereotypes (Bargh et al., 1996). Mere knowledge of the meaning or connotations of cultural representations might be sufficient to influence a person’s attitude when those representations are made salient. — Annetta Snell and Miron Zuckerman and Bonnie M. Le, Does Religious Priming Induce Greater…, 94

Categorization

• QUESTION: Does this undercut the reading purpose’s distinction between self-report conviction and actual measured bias — nonreligious people showing priming effects suggests behavioral measures may diverge from professed atheism too.
• XREF: Connects to the reader’s existing thread on whether professed conviction predicts measured bias — here cognitive accessibility effects bypass conviction entirely. — connects to: Religious primes vary in depth of awareness and mechanism of effect — Annetta Snell and Miron Zuckerman and Bonnie M. Le, Does Religious Priming Induce Greater…, 24; Theistic religious primes activate in-group identity while nontheistic ones activate universalism. — Annetta Snell and Miron Zuckerman and Bonnie M. Le, Does Religious Priming Induce Greater…, 28; Religious priming affects nonreligious people too because secular worldviews retain religion’s legacy — Annetta Snell and Miron Zuckerman and Bonnie M. Le, Does Religious Priming Induce Greater…, 93 (+4 more)

Related

• Type of religious prime may not moderate prejudice outcomes (similarity 0.89)
• Religious priming produces real but small and sometimes unreliable effects (similarity 0.88)
• Religious priming affects nonreligious people too because secular worldviews retain religion’s legacy (similarity 0.88)
• Religious primes vary in depth of awareness and mechanism of effect (similarity 0.86)
• Religious priming causally increases prejudice toward LGBT people and atheists (similarity 0.86)
• Theistic religious primes activate in-group identity while nontheistic ones activate universalism. (similarity 0.86)
• Religious priming boosts prosocial behavior only for believers, not non-believers. (similarity 0.85)
• Nonconscious religious primes reliably affect believers but only inconsistently affect atheists. (similarity 0.85)
• Religious cues affect nonreligious people as well because secular cultures preserve their meanings. (similarity 0.84)
• A small religious-priming prejudice effect can still matter cumulatively when widespread. (similarity 0.84)
• Studying nonbelievers’ responses to religious primes requires nonconscious priming and independent belief measurement. (similarity 0.84)
• Religiosity-prejudice links are correlational, not established as causal (similarity 0.84)
• Religious primes fail to affect atheists, disproving a purely ideomotor account (similarity 0.83)
• Religious priming elevates prejudice against LGBT people and atheists beyond other targets. (similarity 0.83)
• Buddhist primes may reduce prejudice rather than increase it (similarity 0.82)

Broader Connections

• Implicit religious priming only affects believers, not committed atheists #contradicts (0.85)
• Nonconscious religious primes reliably affect believers but only inconsistently affect atheists. #contradicts (0.80) — Norenzayan, Ara, Big gods - how religion transformed…, 179
• Studying nonbelievers’ responses to religious primes requires nonconscious priming and independent belief measurement. #qualifies (0.75)
• Religious priming causally increases prejudice toward LGBT people and atheists #expands (0.75) — Annetta Snell and Miron Zuckerman and Bonnie M. Le, Does Religious Priming Induce Greater…, 108