British state institutions formalised surveillance targeting Muslims based on appearance

Evidence

And as with Blunkett and reid, so other politicians have contributed to the debates that have covertly shaped and determined a climate of anti-Muslim suspicion and attitudes. For example, ministers at the Department of education issued guidelines to lecturers and university staff urging them to spy on Muslim and ‘Muslim looking’ students who they suspect might be involved in Islamic extremism or prone to supporting terrorist violence due to the belief that university campuses had become ‘fertile recruiting grounds’ for Muslim extremists. — Chris Allen, Islamophobia, 481

Categorization

• XREF: connects to: The niqab functions as a visual marker of failed integration in British public discourse — A. Hussain, N. Meer, Framing Muslim Integration, 562; British institutions have normalized surveillance of Muslims across daily life — A. Hussain, N. Meer, Framing Muslim Integration, 172; The UK’s counter-terrorism apparatus decentralizes surveillance into everyday public institutions, which enables discrimination. — A. Hussain, N. Meer, Framing Muslim Integration, 418 (+11 more)

Related

• British institutions have normalized surveillance of Muslims across daily life (similarity 0.88)
• State surveillance escalates with how visibly Muslim a person is (similarity 0.84)
• The UK’s counter-terrorism apparatus decentralizes surveillance into everyday public institutions, which enables discrimination. (similarity 0.84)
• Even watchlisted Muslims face additional appearance-based profiling (similarity 0.83)
• Surveillance derives from country-of-origin priority lists that racialize Muslim identity (similarity 0.79)
• Airport surveillance publicly signals to the population that Muslims are potential terrorists (similarity 0.79)
• The War on Terror racialized Muslim bodies to justify their surveillance (similarity 0.79)
• Surveillance operates differently on Muslim men and women through distinct mechanisms (similarity 0.79)
• Visual markers of Muslim identity are treated as interchangeable signs of threat (similarity 0.79)
• Support for a targeted minority doubles as surveillance and control of that minority (similarity 0.79)
• The niqab functions as a visual marker of failed integration in British public discourse (similarity 0.79)
• Airport profiling of Muslims is systemic and state-institutionalized rather than random (similarity 0.79)
• US surveillance systematically targets select bodies using racial cues (similarity 0.79)
• State surveillance policies push Muslims to strengthen a targeted identity (similarity 0.79)
• Surveillance targets a Muslim name, not religious belief, making it racial discrimination (similarity 0.79)

Broader Connections

• State surveillance escalates with how visibly Muslim a person is #expands (0.90) — Khaled A. Beydoun, American Islamophobia_ Understanding…, 380
• Airport profiling of Muslims is systemic and state-institutionalized rather than random #corroborates (0.90) — , Selod, Saher - Forever Suspect_…, 285
• Surveillance leads Muslims to police their own actions and dress #expands (0.85)
• Even watchlisted Muslims face additional appearance-based profiling #expands (0.85)
• Surveillance justified by religious identity constitutes racialization of Muslims #expands (0.85)
• The War on Terror racialized Muslim bodies to justify their surveillance #expands (0.85) — , Selod, Saher - Forever Suspect_…, 29
• Racializing Muslims as threats sustains a surveillance state with gendered effects #expands (0.80)
• Blanket accusations of Muslims justify state surveillance by identity #corroborates (0.80)
• Surveillance operates differently on Muslim men and women through distinct mechanisms #expands (0.80)
• Airport surveillance publicly signals to the population that Muslims are potential terrorists #expands (0.80) — , Selod, Saher - Forever Suspect_…, 338