White guilt triggers self-preoccupied redemption-seeking rather than concern for Black well-being
Evidence
Allport (1954/1986) noted that one response to collective feelings of White guilt is remorse and attempts at restitution. Consistent with this observation, Steele (1990) argued that āguilt makes us afraid for ourselves, and thus generates as much self-preoccupation as concern for others. The nature of preoccupation is always the redemption of innocence, the reestablishment of good feeling about oneselfā (p. 501). Steele claimed that a need for White redemption was the strongest element in the United Statesās social policy-making process in the 1960s, giving rise to many programs, policies, and laws in which Black equality and reinstitution became a national goal. ā Janet K. Swim and Deborah L. Miller, White Guilt, 35
Categorization
- SEED: Steeleās account of whitesā self-preoccupied āredemption of innocenceā as the real driver of 1960s policy is a contrarian angle for an essay on how dominant-group guilt functions as self-repair, not altruism.
- XREF: connects to: Whites feeling collective guilt may attempt actual compensation or partial reparation to restore equity ā Nyla R. Branscombe and Bertjan Doosje (eds.), Collective Guilt: Internationalā¦, 470; White northern Baptist philanthropy mixed guilt and self-interest yet still blocked black self-help. ā Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham, Righteous Discontent: The Womenāsā¦, 336; Guilt motivates corrective actions while shame triggers defensive reactions to inequality ā Janet K. Swim and Deborah L. Miller, White Guilt: Its Antecedents andā¦, 137
Broader Connections
- Guilt motivates corrective actions while shame triggers defensive reactions to inequality
#qualifies(0.85) ā Janet K. Swim and Deborah L. Miller, White Guilt, 137