Unipolar American military dominance defines neoconservatism as a doctrine

Evidence

The neocons’ vision of imperialism is premised on the notion of American exceptionalism: “a pervasive faith in the uniqueness, immutability, and superiority of the country’s founding liberal principles, accompanied by a conviction that the United States has a special destiny among nations.” This vision of the United States as a unique “beacon for other nations” because of its liberal values is taken for granted within the policy establishment as a whole. However, what is different about the neocons is their singular commitment to unipolarism and militarism. As Danny Cooper writes, the neocons “have been nothing if not consistent in their belief that only overwhelming American military preponderance can prevent the outbreak of great power war … [and] that multipolar international orders lead to great power war.” In short, what defines the neoconservatives is the notion of a unipolar world dominated by the United States, which they believe is in the interests of all; “American military preponderance is good for America, and good for the world.” — Deepa Kumar, Islamophobia and the Politics of Empire, 379 (#corroborates, via linked claim)

Whereas in previous generations a sense of the inherent risk of war had prevailed, a sense that war could lead to unintended consequences and that military power was “something that democracies ought to treat gingerly,” by the early 2000s this sense had all but disappeared. With evangelicals in the vanguard, Americans had come to see the military as a bastion of “traditional values and old-fashioned virtue,” a view only possible by turning a blind eye to reports of military misconduct and sexual abuse within the ranks. Members of the military tended to agree with assessments of their superior virtue, although some senior officials did express reservations, suggesting that such tendencies were not healthy in armed forces serving a democracy. But there were no serious checks on this inclination. When civilians become the leading militarists, the very concept of civilian control of the military loses its potency. — Kristin Kobes Du Mez, Jesus and John Wayne, 522 (#complicates, via linked claim)

EVANGELICALS WEREN’T the only ones renegotiating their views on foreign policy in the post–Cold War era, nor were they the only ones who thought President Clinton’s pursuit of humanitarian wars and peacekeeping missions betrayed American interests and values. During the 1990s, a group of young conservative intellectuals developed a plan for how America should brandish its unrivaled military and economic power, and though they were not particularly religious, these self-described neoconservatives did have faith—an expansive faith in American power. And they had their own patron saints: Teddy Roosevelt and Ronald Reagan. They believed that there was a direct connection between domestic and global issues, and, by invoking patriotism to encourage sacrifice, they sought to instill “military virtues” in the American public. For these neocons, the military embodied the nation’s highest ideals even as it unleashed violence and death, and there was no contradiction. War would provide Americans with “moral clarity.” — Kristin Kobes Du Mez, Jesus and John Wayne, 520 (#complicates, via linked claim)

Categorization

  • XREF: connects to: Neoconservatives believe only overwhelming American military dominance prevents great power war; Neoconservatives justified permanent American hegemony as a defense against US weakness — Deepa Kumar, Islamophobia and the Politics of…, 466; Only overwhelming US military preponderance prevents great power war, neocons held (+9 more)

Broader Connections