Suburban homogeneity made conservatism’s color-blind claims plausible by removing the evidence against them
Evidence
In locating the origins of these phenomena in urban, and not suburban, politics, this book considers the origins of the conservative “counterrevolution” in their proper environment. Problematically, some accounts often start their stories only after the white suburbs had become an accomplished fact. And by solely examining the conservative political outlook in that overwhelmingly white and predominantly upper-middle-class environment, these observers have often failed to appreciate the importance of race and class in the formation of this new conservative ideology. Inside such a homogeneous setting, it is perhaps easy to understand how some have accepted without question the claims of some conservative activists that their movement was—and still is—“color-blind” and unassociated with class politics. Indeed, in the suburbs, with no other colors in sight and no other classes in contention, such claims seem plausible. How could modern conservatism be shaped by forces that weren’t there? But, as this study shows, when the conservative politics of the Sunbelt is correctly situated in the crucible of urban politics, surrounded by different races, multiple classes, and competing social interests, it can be seen in a rather different light. — Kevin M. Kruse, White Flight, 35
Categorization
- XREF: Explains the methodological mechanism behind the reader’s core interest—why ideology looked color-blind from the suburbs. — connects to: Color-blind ideology enshrined suburban autonomy and white racial innocence as national doctrine. — Matthew D. Lassiter, The Suburban Origins of “Color-Blind”…, 113; Modern conservatism abandoned explicit white supremacy for color-blind individualism — Eddie S. Glaude Jr., Democracy in Black: How Race Still…, 299; 1990s suburbans rebranded desegregation opposition as color-blind neighborhood protection — Matthew D. Lassiter, The Suburban Origins of “Color-Blind”…, 109 (+6 more)
- SEED: Could seed an essay on how sampling bias—studying phenomena only where they’ve ‘succeeded’—obscures their true causal origins.
Broader Connections
- 1990s suburbans rebranded desegregation opposition as color-blind neighborhood protection
#exemplifies(0.85) — Matthew D. Lassiter, The Suburban Origins of “Color-Blind”…, 109 - Colorblind conservatism rebranded white residential privilege as neutral meritocracy.
#exemplifies(0.83) — Matthew D. Lassiter, The Suburban Origins of “Color-Blind”…, 8 - Modern conservatism abandoned explicit white supremacy for color-blind individualism
#expands(0.82) — Eddie S. Glaude Jr., Democracy in Black, 299 - Colorblind ideology works only because it partly reflects real post-civil-rights gains
#complicates(0.80) — Michael Omi, Howard Winant, Racial Formation in the United States, 245 - Color-blind ideology masks ongoing discrimination while appearing egalitarian
#expands(0.76) — David Theo Goldberg, John Solomos, A Companion to Racial and Ethnic Studies, 1850 - Color-blind rhetoric revived segregationism by condemning discussion of racism as itself racist
#expands(0.75) — Ibram X. Kendi, Stamped from the Beginning, 1162 - Color blindness claims deny systematic racism while erasing cultural difference.
#expands(0.74) — Rebecca A. Martusewicz, Jeff Edmundson, and John Lupinacci, EcoJustice Education, 1261 - Failing race paradigms left a vacuum that neoconservatism and colorblind ideology filled
#qualifies(0.72) — Michael Omi, Howard Winant, Racial Formation in the United States, 160