Post-2001 riot reports characterized British Muslims as self-segregating colonists

Evidence

It was only a few years after the Runnymede Trust published its groundbreaking report on Islamophobia in 1997 that there emerged a governmental view on the alleged failure of Muslim integration. Muslims had up until then perhaps been creeping into the national consciousness as an illiberal menace (Asad 1990) or as unruly youngsters on the streets (Alexander 1998). Following the inquiries into civil unrest that occurred in some northern towns home to both small and large numbers of British Muslims at the turn of the millennium, a series of reports characterized these communities as self-segregating, adopting isolationist practices and generally leading ‘parallel lives’. The Ouseley report (2001) perhaps pioneered an approach found in other official post-riot accounts (cf. Cantle 2001, Ritchie 2001), in which Muslim settlement patterns were initially likened to those of ‘colonists’ (Wainwright 2001, cf. Meer and Modood 2009). It was a period in which ‘community cohesion’ approaches became salient, and their objectives were deemed to furnish commentators with the licence – not always supported by the specific substance of each report – to critique Muslim distinctiveness in particular (Meer 2006). — Runnymede Trust (ed. Farah Elahi & Omar Khan), Islamophobia, 438

Categorization

• XREF: This historical genealogy of ‘integration talk’ from the Ouseley/Cantle reports to Prevent directly addresses the Runnymede framework’s evolution and the policy trajectory Halliday critiques. — connects to: British post-riot reports framed Muslim communities as self-segregating parallel lives — A. Hussain, N. Meer, Framing Muslim Integration, 443; Muslim self-identification and British misperception drove border conflicts — Chris Allen, Islamophobia, 238; Official reports dismissed the far-right’s role in the 2001 northern England riots — Chris Allen, Islamophobia, 521 (+1 more)

Related

• British post-riot reports framed Muslim communities as self-segregating parallel lives (similarity 0.93)
• Muslim self-identification and British misperception drove border conflicts (similarity 0.82)
• The Runnymede report reframed anti-Muslim prejudice as faith-based rather than ethnic. (similarity 0.80)
• Official UK integration strategy framed Muslims as a threat to national cohesion (similarity 0.80)
• UK integration policy redefined Muslim integration as an antidote to extremism (similarity 0.79)
• Official reports dismissed the far-right’s role in the 2001 northern England riots (similarity 0.79)
• Separating Islamophobia as ideology from racism undermines anti-racist struggle (similarity 0.78)
• Britain has failed to officially define Islamophobia decades after Runnymede’s report (similarity 0.78)
• UK integration discourse framed Muslims as demographic threats to national existence (similarity 0.78)
• Integration rhetoric predates anti-terror policy and lacks an evidence base (similarity 0.78)
• Islamophobia is one of several challenges British Muslims confront. (similarity 0.78)

Broader Connections

• Official reports dismissed the far-right’s role in the 2001 northern England riots #qualifies (0.85) — Chris Allen, Islamophobia, 521
• British racial categories for Muslims changed labels while retaining racist content. #expands (0.85) — A. Hussain, N. Meer, Framing Muslim Integration, 168
• Muslim self-identification and British misperception drove border conflicts #complicates (0.75) — Chris Allen, Islamophobia, 238