Muslim people in the UK face heightened risk of poorer health outcomes.

Evidence

The existence of inequalities in the health status of different ethnic groups in the UK has been well established (Nazroo 2001, Erens et al. 2001, Sproston and Mindell 2006). For example, Black Caribbean, Pakistani and Bangladeshi people have between six and nine fewer years of disability-free life expectancy at birth than do White British people (Wohland et al. 2015) and are up to twice as likely as White British people to report poor self-rated health and to have a limiting longstanding illness (Bécares 2015). In addition, the limited evidence we have on variations in ethnic inequalities in health across religious groups suggests that Muslim people are at particular risk of poorer health (Nazroo 2001, Karlsen and Nazroo 2010). For example, alongside the higher risk for Pakistani and Bangladeshi people of a range of adverse health outcomes compared with other ethnic groups, Muslim Indian people have a higher risk of poor self-assessed health, limiting longstanding illness and diabetes than their Hindu and Christian (though not to the same extent Sikh) counterparts (Karlsen and Nazroo 2010). — A. Hussain, N. Meer, Framing Muslim Integration, 313

Categorization

• XREF: Connects to the reader’s definitions debate: this chapter operationalizes Islamophobia via health outcomes, treating ‘racism targeted towards Islam or Muslims’ — closer to Runnymede’s racialization turn than Bleich’s neutral concept-formation. — connects to: Islamophobia operates as a health harm alongside other racisms. — A. Hussain, N. Meer, Framing Muslim Integration, 311; British Muslims face a double bind of suspicion either way they engage — Runnymede Trust (ed. Farah Elahi & Omar Khan), Islamophobia: Still a Challenge for Us…, 36
• DEFINE: The chapter’s opening effectively defines Islamophobia as racism targeted at Islam or Muslims, aligning with the anti-Muslim racism camp.

Related

• Islamophobia operates as a health harm alongside other racisms. (similarity 0.87)
• Ethnic health inequalities stem from racism, not ethnicity itself. (similarity 0.83)
• Islamophobia is defined as anti-Muslim racism, not merely fear or dislike (similarity 0.83)
• Religious and ethnic disadvantages in Britain must be separated analytically to explain Muslim outcomes. (similarity 0.82)
• Islamophobia intersects multiple identities to shape additive health effects. (similarity 0.82)
• Islamophobia harms both mental and physical health of Muslim Americans. (similarity 0.81)
• Suspicion of Britain’s Muslims predates modern biological racism (similarity 0.80)
• Islamophobia is one of several challenges British Muslims confront. (similarity 0.80)
• Scholars moved from ethnic to religious penalties to explain Muslim disadvantage (similarity 0.80)
• Ethnic categories fail to capture the distinct experience of British Muslims. (similarity 0.79)
• The Runnymede report reframed anti-Muslim prejudice as faith-based rather than ethnic. (similarity 0.79)
• Islamophobia is best understood and countered as a form of anti-Muslim racism. (similarity 0.79)
• Islamophobia harms Muslim health at individual, interpersonal, and structural levels (similarity 0.79)
• British Muslims face a double bind of suspicion either way they engage (similarity 0.79)
• Islamophobia is a public health risk factor via stigma and discrimination. (similarity 0.78)

Broader Connections

• Islamophobia operates as a health harm alongside other racisms. #corroborates (0.90) — A. Hussain, N. Meer, Framing Muslim Integration, 311
• British Muslims face a double bind of suspicion either way they engage #complicates (0.72) — Runnymede Trust (ed. Farah Elahi & Omar Khan), Islamophobia, 36