Ingroup identity salience is historically contingent, not psychologically fixed

Evidence

Today many theories of intergroup relations imply a central role for self-conscious ingroup identity, such as “whiteness,” in group members’ political preferences (Bobo, 1999; LeVine & Campbell, 1972; Sidanius & Pratto, 1999). For instance, recent work has focused on White guilt about Blacks’ disadvantages as a subset of the broader category of collective guilt (Branscombe & Doosje, 2005). In contrast, a symbolic-politics theory views ingroup identity as being historically contingent rather than psychologically hard-wired (Sears, 1993). Sometimes group norms emphasize it; in the old South, Whites’ racial identity was perhaps their primary social identity. But sometimes not, as in the waning attachment to national origins among today’s descendants of nineteenth-century European immigrants. — John F. Dovidio, Peter Glick, Laurie A. Rudman, On the Nature of Prejudice, 2191

Today many theories of intergroup relations imply a central role for self-conscious ingroup identity, such as “whiteness,” in group members’ political preferences (Bobo, 1999; LeVine & Campbell, 1972; Sidanius & Pratto, 1999). For instance, recent work has focused on White guilt about Blacks’ disadvantages as a subset of the broader category of collective guilt (Branscombe & Doosje, 2005). In contrast, a symbolic-politics theory views ingroup identity as being historically contingent rather than psychologically hard-wired (Sears, 1993). Sometimes group norms emphasize it; in the old South, Whites’ racial identity was perhaps their primary social identity. But sometimes not, as in the waning attachment to national origins among today’s descendants of nineteenth-century European immigrants. Does White identity resonate politically among ordinary White Americans? — , Rudman, Laurie A - On the Nature of…, 2191

Today many theories of intergroup relations imply a central role for self-conscious ingroup identity, such as “whiteness,” in group members’ political preferences (Bobo, 1999; LeVine & Campbell, 1972; Sidanius & Pratto, 1999). For instance, recent work has focused on White guilt about Blacks’ disadvantages as a subset of the broader category of collective guilt (Branscombe & Doosje, 2005). In contrast, a symbolic-politics theory views ingroup identity as being historically contingent rather than psychologically hard-wired (Sears, 1993). Sometimes group norms emphasize it; in the old South, Whites’ racial identity was perhaps their primary social identity. But sometimes not, as in the waning attachment to national origins among today’s descendants of nineteenth-century European immigrants. — , Rudman, Laurie A - On the Nature of…, 2191

Categorization

• DEFINE: Distinguishes symbolic-politics theory from identity-centric theories of intergroup relations — a useful conceptual contrast.
• corroborated: 3 independent passages support this claim — John F. Dovidio, Peter Glick, Laurie A. Rudman, On the Nature of Prejudice: Fifty Years…, 2191; , Rudman, Laurie A - On the Nature of…, 2191
• XREF: connects to: Confidence in ordinary people’s capacity tended to counteract nativism before 1910 — John Higham, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of…, 682; Identification measures conflate salience with stable traits — Nyla R. Branscombe and Bertjan Doosje (eds.), Collective Guilt: International…, 812; Never forget the past psychologically means never forget we differ from other groups — Nyla R. Branscombe and Bertjan Doosje (eds.), Collective Guilt: International…, 2005 (+4 more)