Both perpetrator- and victim-group members engage in competitive victimhood when accused

Evidence

Initial social psychological research on this topic demonstrated that members of historical perpetrator groups respond to stigma reversal by increasing their engagement in competitive victimhood (Sullivan et al. 2012). For example, White American men may respond to accusations against their ingroup by claiming reverse discrimination due to reparative policies like affirmative action and diversity quotas (e.g., Lynch 1989), shifting the focus of victimization comparisons (e.g., from being the target of offenses to being the target of cancel culture; Danbold et al. 2022), highlighting another historically victimized social identity of theirs (e.g., being a sexual minority; Brown & Craig 2020) or emphasizing personal hardships they have faced (Phillips & Lowery 2015). Similarly, members of historically victimized groups, when accused of wrongdoing such as perpetrating reverse discrimination, also tend to show greater engagement in competitive victimhood (Sullivan et al. 2012). — Nurit Shnabel and Johannes Ullrich, Identity Needs in Intergroup Relations, 120

Categorization

  • XREF: The examples of White American men shifting the comparison target to cancel culture and highlighting a sexual-minority identity or personal hardships illustrate the identity-switching dynamics at the heart of the reader’s agentic-vs-moral restoration distinction. — connects to: Both reconciliation and competitive victimhood flow from the same underlying identity needs. — Nurit Shnabel and Johannes Ullrich, Identity Needs in Intergroup Relations:…, 29; Competitive victimhood serves opposite identity needs for victims versus perpetrator groups. — Nurit Shnabel and Johannes Ullrich, Identity Needs in Intergroup Relations:…, 122; Objectively powerful groups claim victim status by merging current and past enemies — Nyla R. Branscombe and Bertjan Doosje (eds.), Collective Guilt: International…, 2146 (+4 more)

Broader Connections