Whites’ support for racial equality principles shrank once implementation threatened their own position

Evidence

Research on racial attitudes thus increasingly presents a paradox: Although there is continuing improvement in whites’ beliefs about blacks and support for the general principles of racial equality and integration (Taylor, Sheatsley, & Greeley, 1978), there is pronounced opposition to specific policies aimed at improving the social and economic position of blacks, as well as to participation in social settings where blacks are a substantial majority (Farley, Schuman, Bianchi, Colasanto, & Hatchett, 1978; Smith, 1981). Pettigrew (1979) described this paradox as follows: “white Americans increasingly reject racial injustice in principle, but are reluctant to accept the measures necessary to eliminate the injustice” (p. 119). — John T. Jost and Jim Sidanius, Political Psychology, 3332 (#corroborates, via linked claim)

Despite the successful passage of civil rights legislation in the United States securing basic political and human rights for African Americans and other ethnic minorities, despite the fact that blatant racism is no longer acceptable in public discourse and policy debates, and despite the fact that European Americans now broadly endorse general principles of racial equality, the fact is that whites generally oppose specific policies that promote equality in actual practice. This apparent contradiction in public opinion has become known as the principle-implementation gap. It has manifested itself in a number of areas, including opposition to busing to achieve racial integration in the schools, resistance to strong enforcement of anti-discrimination laws in housing and employment, and the widespread rejection of affirmative action policies. — John T. Jost and Jim Sidanius, Political Psychology, 2626 (#corroborates, via linked claim)

At the same time, there was initially little reason for northern whites to believe that adherence to these principles would require any changes in their own position in society or that of their children. But as the issues shifted from largely southern problems of stateimposed segregation and voting hindrances, to economic and other redistributive issues of national scope (e.g., school busing, affirmative action, and the economic decline of urban areas), many whites no doubt came to sense a greater threat to their position in life. This sense of threat was probably amplified by the use of political slogans like Black Power (Aberbach & Walker, 1970) and the urban unrest of the late 1960s (Ashmore & Del Boca, 1976). Group conflict and ideological processes have thus contributed to the gap between support for racial principles and support for full implementation of such principles, that is, to the development of an ideology of bounded racial change. — John T. Jost and Jim Sidanius, Political Psychology, 3387 (#expands, via linked claim)

Categorization

• XREF: connects to: White racial ideology supports formal equality while opposing burdensome change — John T. Jost and Jim Sidanius, Political Psychology: Key Readings, 3436; Democratic identification among Southern whites fell a full 17 percentage points — Ilyana Kuziemko and Ebonya Washington, Why Did the Democrats Lose the South?…, 82; White elites supported only image-serving racial moderation to protect their business interests — Kevin M. Kruse, White Flight: Atlanta and the Making of…, 89 (+10 more)

Broader Connections

• Whites support racial equality in principle but resist the policies implementing it #corroborates (1.00) — John T. Jost and Jim Sidanius, Political Psychology, 3332
• Whites broadly endorse racial equality in principle yet reject concrete equality policies #corroborates (1.00) — John T. Jost and Jim Sidanius, Political Psychology, 2626
• Whites supported racial equality only while it cost them nothing personally #expands (0.92) — John T. Jost and Jim Sidanius, Political Psychology, 3387