White theologyâs main power was constricting whitesâ moral vision rather than active opposition
Evidence
Because of the existing conditions of inequality, late twentieth-century white Christian theology didnât necessarily need to actively work against African American civil rights (although it did this too). Rather, its most powerful tool was its ability to constrict radically the scope of whitesâ moral vision. Martin Luther King Jr. singled out this dynamic in his âLetter from Birmingham Jail,â when he looked in vain for white Christian support for the civil rights movement in Birmingham, Alabama. He lamented that white Christians âhave remained silent behind the anesthetizing security of stained glass windows.â As I discuss in this chapter, white Christian theology has developed to play this role powerfully: to render black claims to justice invisible while protecting white economic and social interests, all the while assuring them of their own moral purity. â Robert P. Jones, White Too Long, 218
Categorization
- XREF: The âanesthetizing securityâ mechanism parallels the insulating communities of readersâ bases-and-camptowns and A World of Strangers material. â connects to: White churches morally legitimized and protected white supremacy through state power â Robert P. Jones, White Too Long: The Legacy of WhiteâŠ, 125; Theological appeals to total human sinfulness can justify preserving white supremacist honors â Robert P. Jones, White Too Long: The Legacy of WhiteâŠ, 182; White Christianity has been the primary institution legitimizing white power â Robert P. Jones, White Too Long: The Legacy of WhiteâŠ, 210 (+3 more)
Broader Connections
- White Christianityâs function was protecting white racial innocence
#expands(0.85) â Robert P. Jones, White Too Long, 69 - Religious blessing of slavery severed white Christiansâ natural moral restraint
#contradicts(0.75) â Robert P. Jones, White Too Long, 251 - White racial ideology supports basic rights but opposes change that burdens whites
#expands(0.75) â John T. Jost and Jim Sidanius, Political Psychology, 3436