Social redistribution after World War I emboldened rather than appeased worker radicalism

Evidence

Ultimately, economic orthodoxy had to contend with two sets of enemies. First was the reconstructionists, who— through their vision of increasing social redistribution to the detriment of private capital— represented an important enemy of capitalism in its pure laissezfaire form. But an arguably greater enemy emerged at the same time, one that challenged the very foundations of capitalism and was emboldened by reconstructionist reforms: people’s revolutionary ambitions. Rather than being appeased by social redistribution, workers were galvanized by it. Th e years 1919– 1920 were marked by vast mobilizations toward an alternative socioeconomic system which entailed the overcoming of private ownership of the means of production and wages themselves. — Clara E. Mattei, The Capital Order, 333

Categorization

  • DEEPTHINKING: The counterintuitive claim that reformism—meant to defuse revolution—actually strengthens working-class revolutionary ambition is central to understanding why elites later chose austerity as class weapon. This reframes concession and reform as accelerants, not pacifiers, of class conflict.
  • XREF: Connects to the Piven-Cloward thesis that reforms can demobilize movements — here inverted — and to the broader logic of why interwar elites abandoned reformism for austerity which the reader is tracing. — connects to: World War I’s state interventions emboldened workers to reject a return to capitalism — Clara E. Mattei, The Capital Order: How Economists…, 455; World War I shattered working-class belief that capitalism was immovable. — Clara E. Mattei, The Capital Order: How Economists…, 112; Reformists seeking to prevent revolution inadvertently provoked further worker radicalism — Clara E. Mattei, The Capital Order: How Economists…, 334 (+1 more)

Broader Connections