Residential steering and move-in violence afflict both Blacks and Muslims today.

Evidence

The crack/powder cocaine sentencing disparity led to the mass incarceration of black men at alarming rates and is just the latest version of the criminalization of blackness. Racial violence, whether inflicted by private citizens or official actors of the state, has also never ceased. Ahmaud Arbery’s lynching at the hands of white men in Georgia and George Floyd’s murder by police officer Derek Chauvin in Minnesota, both incidents from 2020, demonstrate that racial violence occurs whenever black people are viewed as “not belonging” or “not behaving.” — Dorothy A. Brown, Getting to Reparations, 592 (#corroborates, via linked claim)

A recent study on housing conducted in Philadelphia that focuses on Muslims specifically, shows that Muslims face more housing discrimination than any other group in the city, and Black Muslims are doubly subordinated compared to their non-Muslim Black counterparts. The study finds: … Both black and nonblack Muslims are significantly more likely than their non-Muslim counterparts, respectively, to live in neighborhoods with lower shares of whites, greater representations of blacks, higher levels of poverty, and lower median income, and they are less likely to be in suburbs. Our multivariate analyses show that among blacks and nonblacks, significant Muslim-non-Muslim differences persist in the neighborhood percentages white and black; among blacks, Muslims and non-Muslims differ significantly in access to suburbs. However, the Muslim-non- Muslim disparities in neighborhood poverty and median income are not significant. To reiterate: Both Black and nonblack Muslims in Philadelphia face the high levels of housing discrimination cutting against the common perception that immigrant Muslims are all middle-class professionals 315. — Cyra Akila Choudhury, Racecraft and Identity in the Emergence…, 484 (#builds-on, via linked claim)

Under the watch of the police, the crowds demonstrated for a month until the house was dynamited. The police officially noticed nothing. None of the firebombers or vigilantes were arrested, let alone prosecuted, even though they were known to the authorities. In 1957, the Myers obtained a private mortgage from a Black philanthropist and bought a house in the development Levittown, Pennsylvania. A few days after moving in with their children, the harassment started. A mob of 600 people attacked the house with rocks after a mail carrier went about announcing that a Black family had moved into the neighborhood. White neighbors set up a clubhouse next door to the Myers and subjected them to incessant harassment including prominently displaying of the Confederate flag and KKK symbols, blaring music, and burning crosses. Rocks continued to be thrown, smashing windows in the Myers’ home. The police were unwilling or unable to stop the terrorism. Eventually, after four years of this treatment, the Myers moved back to their African American neighborhood. — Cyra Akila Choudhury, Racecraft and Identity in the Emergence…, 479 (#instantiates, via linked claim)

Categorization

• XREF: connects to: Spatial racecraft against Muslims mirrors housing segregation tools honed on Black Americans — Cyra Akila Choudhury, Racecraft and Identity in the Emergence…, 468; Housing discrimination affects both Black and nonblack Muslims more than any other Philadelphia group — Cyra Akila Choudhury, Racecraft and Identity in the Emergence…, 484; White neighbors terrorized Black families until they fled white neighborhoods. — Cyra Akila Choudhury, Racecraft and Identity in the Emergence…, 479 (+2 more)

Broader Connections

• Racial violence and criminalization of blackness continue into the present day #corroborates (0.80) — Dorothy A. Brown, Getting to Reparations, 592