Religion in settler conflict operates as a differential marker, not as doctrine

Evidence

What, we may well ask, is the nature of this “intertwining” to which Walker refers? Is political unionism or nationalism the expression of religious afïŹliation, and the conïŹ‚ict therefore a residual phenomenon of seventeenth-century religious wars, lingering long after other nations have resolved or forgotten them? Or is religious afïŹliation merely one mode in which political positions – ideological and/or structural – get articulated? To riff on Stuart Hall’s famous observation that “race is the modality in which class is lived,” is religion the modality in which the political is lived, or is politics the modality in which religious difference is lived? (see Hall 1980, 341). Religious difference, or religious sectarianism, would indeed be the more accurate term here than “religion”: What is operative is not the positive theological or ritual content of religious belief, but the invocation of religion as differential. — Nadim N. Rouhana and Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian, When Politics Are Sacralized, 2064

Categorization

  • XREF: The ‘religion as differential’ formulation is the reader’s exact hypothesis machinery — extends it beyond the millet/Mughal/Safavid cases to a settler colony with no phenotype difference. — connects to: Labeling a settler conflict ‘tribal’ displaces its causes onto the colonized — Nadim N. Rouhana and Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian, When Politics Are Sacralized:
, 2113; Religious claims serve different functions depending on political position — Nadim N. Rouhana and Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian, When Politics Are Sacralized:
, 207; Religious markers fade when not needed to secure supremacy in a settler context (+5 more)
  • recurring: this claim recurs 2 times within its source

Broader Connections