Prejudice becomes publicly recognized only when role agitation spreads.

Evidence

Group members are perceived to be adapted to their accustomed social roles and therefore seem unqualified for new roles with different demands. The prejudice against these potential role occupants, however, goes unrecognized unless agitation for roles is at least moderately widespread. Therefore, in popular and social-scientific discourse, “gender prejudice” is understood to refer to prejudice against women, many of whom have been striving to attain new roles. Similarly, as Blacks attempt to obtain roles that have been dominated by Whites, “racial prejudice” has come to refer to prejudice against Blacks. In this vein, Allport’s focus on racism and omission of sexism ironically illustrate his point that prejudices, though they exist before they are “problematized,” become recognized as prejudices only when social movements challenge the status quo. — John F. Dovidio, Peter Glick, Laurie A. Rudman, On the Nature of Prejudice, 214

Categorization

• XREF: Directly relevant to why Muslim and Black prejudice each got ‘problematized’ only when role challenges mounted — bridges Islamophobia and antisemitism clusters via shared mechanism.
• SEED: Angle: prejudice ‘exists before it is problematized’ — what determines which group’movement finally names a prejudice that was latent all along? Could map 1960s Blacks vs. later Muslims.
• corroborated: 2 independent passages support this claim — John F. Dovidio, Peter Glick, Laurie A. Rudman, On the Nature of Prejudice: Fifty Years…, 214