Precarious status triggers reflexive disparagement of others to defend rank.

Evidence

Allport acknowledged the functional nature of prejudice and identified both material gain and self-enhancement as basic motivational processes underlying prejudice. In terms of material gain, he noted, ā€œOutright greed is certainly a cause of prejudiceā€ (p. 370). With respect to psychological needs, Allport suggested that self-esteem can often be a goal in itself: ā€œmost people want to be higher on the status ladder than they areā€ (p. 371). However, self-enhancement can be based in avoidance as well as approach motives. Insecurity, fear, and anxiety can stimulate a need for self-enhancement, which, in some cases, creates or exacerbates prejudice. Allport believed that the ā€œhunger for status is matched by a haunting fear that one’s status may not be secure. The effort to maintain a precarious position can bring with it an almost reflex disparagement of othersā€ (p. 371). — John F. Dovidio, Peter Glick, Laurie A. Rudman, On the Nature of Prejudice, 115 (#expands, via linked claim)

Allport acknowledged the functional nature of prejudice and identified both material gain and self-enhancement as basic motivational processes underlying prejudice. In terms of material gain, he noted, ā€œOutright greed is certainly a cause of prejudiceā€ (p. 370). With respect to psychological needs, Allport suggested that self-esteem can often be a goal in itself: ā€œmost people want to be higher on the status ladder than they areā€ (p. 371). However, self-enhancement can be based in avoidance as well as approach motives. Insecurity, fear, and anxiety can stimulate a need for self-enhancement, which, in some cases, creates or exacerbates prejudice. Allport believed that the ā€œhunger for status is matched by a haunting fear that one’s status may not be secure. The effort to maintain a precarious position can bring with it an almost reflex disparagement of othersā€ (p. 371). — , Rudman, Laurie A - On the Nature of…, 115 (#expands, via linked claim)

Thus, Allport’s critique that it ā€œis not true that a defenseless minority is always chosenā€ (p. 351) is turned into a much stronger claim in the model presented here – it is precisely the perceived power of a group (not its perceived weakness) that makes it likely to be scapegoated. Earlier views dismissed perceptions of the scapegoat’s power and malevolence as mere projections (of perpetrators’ own megalomania and murderous intentions), but for the genocides listed above, envious stereotypes can be traced to prior historical circumstances (e.g., a middleman role) that conditioned the structural relations between groups. Envious stereotypes are here viewed more as a cause (increasing the likelihood that a group will be blamed for misfortunes) than a consequence of scapegoating. When a history of envious prejudice collides with a precipitous decline in a society’s life conditions, successful minorities are at grave risk. — John F. Dovidio, Peter Glick, Laurie A. Rudman, On the Nature of Prejudice, 1595 (#complicates, via linked claim)

Categorization

  • XREF: connects to: Illegitimate claims to status provoke envy and social sanction — W. David Marx, Status and Culture: How Our Desire for…, 92; Proliferating victimhood claims blur genuine from strategic and fuel mutual status contestation. — Nurit Shnabel and Johannes Ullrich, Identity Needs in Intergroup Relations:…, 27; Insecurity about one’s status triggers reflexive disparagement of others. — John F. Dovidio, Peter Glick, Laurie A. Rudman, On the Nature of Prejudice: Fifty Years…, 115 (+12 more)

Broader Connections