Conspiracy subcultures require an official narrative to define themselves against

Evidence

Like the Warren Commission report after the assassination of Kennedy, the 9/11 Commission and the NIST reports together constitute an offi - cial version of the received account in a way that media accounts did not. Insofar as conspiracy theories always present themselves as alternative narratives, there must be an offi cial version to offer a contrast, a necessary foil against which the privileged knowledge of conspiracy theorists might be judged. Because this offi cial version took so long to emerge, the structuring of a conspiracy subculture was late in coming and took a number of forms. — Michael Barkun, A Culture of Conspiracy, 829

Categorization

• XREF: connects to: Conspiracy movements depend on a symbiosis of believers and opportunists — Michael Barkun, A Culture of Conspiracy: Apocalyptic…, 905; The phrase fake news is ascribed to whichever outlet is politically opposed — Sander van der Linden, Foolproof: Why Misinformation Infects…, 723; The Oklahoma City bombing exposed militia conspiracy subculture to mainstream attention — Michael Barkun, A Culture of Conspiracy: Apocalyptic…, 399 (+4 more)

Broader Connections

• Conspiracy theories usually aim to name an enemy, not to build a coherent story. #expands (0.85) — Anna Merlan, Republic of Lies, 64
• Conspiracy historiography aims to discredit official history as a facade. #expands (0.75) — Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism, 791