Christian nationalism predicts abortion opposition independently of religiosity and partisanship

Evidence

But as these quotes suggest, the connection between Trump support and concerns about abortion law are not entirely religious. Americans’ views about abortion vary widely depending on whether they are a Rejecter, Resister, Accommodator, or Ambassador, even after we account for their level of religiosity, religious affiliation, beliefs about the Bible, and their political leanings. In fact, when we examine Americans’ support for abortion in cases where the family cannot afford to raise a child (see Figure 2.5), only religious commitment is more predictive of their views than Christian nationalism. — Andrew L. Whitehead; Samuel L. Perry, Taking America Back for God, 249

Categorization

• XREF: Christian nationalism as a distinct mechanism here parallels how the earlier chapters distinguished it from mere religiosity; the book’s own typology (Rejecter/Resister/Accommodator/Ambassador) is the frame being tested. — connects to: Christian nationalism, not evangelical identity itself, predicts Trump voting. — Andrew L. Whitehead; Samuel L. Perry, Taking America Back for God, 232; Cornology Christian nationalism predicts anti-refugee fears independently of party and ideology. — Andrew L. Whitehead; Samuel L. Perry, Taking America Back for God, 240; Christian nationalism’s abortion stance stems from its male-authority ideal, not piety — Andrew L. Whitehead; Samuel L. Perry, Taking America Back for God, 253 (+2 more)
• DEFINE: Illustrates that the four-group typology does real predictive work beyond religiosity measures.

Broader Connections

• Christian nationalism’s abortion stance stems from its male-authority ideal, not piety #expands (0.82) — Andrew L. Whitehead; Samuel L. Perry, Taking America Back for God, 253