Bipartisan competition and industry preference for uniformity drove 1970s federal environmental law.

Evidence

But by late 1969 and early 1970, both the Nixon White House and the Democratic-controlled Congress were competing for the environmental mantle. Even many in industry were by the late 1960s in favor of an increased federal role in regulating potential harms to the environment. Especially as more states and major cities passed their own air pollution control laws—in 1967, states passed 112 pollution control laws— the possibility of a uniform, federal preemptive standard became increasingly attractive to those in the regulated community. — Richard J. Lazarus, The Making of Environmental Law, 261

Categorization

• XREF: The industry-prefers-federal-preemption dynamic mirrors the ch4 common-pool point and connects to why regulated parties accepted federalization — a classic jurisdictional race-to-the-bottom antidote. — connects to: 1970s environmental law aimed to reorder markets, not optimize within them — Douglas A. Kysar, Regulating from Nowhere: Environmental…, 598; EPA and courts narrowed environmental statutes because late-1970s crises eroded popular commitment — Douglas A. Kysar, Regulating from Nowhere: Environmental…, 642; Party voting on environmental bills moved together in the 1970s but not the 1990s. — Richard J. Lazarus, The Making of Environmental Law, 680 (+3 more)
• recurring: this claim recurs 2 times within its source

Broader Connections

• Party voting on environmental bills moved together in the 1970s but not the 1990s. #corroborates (0.85) — Richard J. Lazarus, The Making of Environmental Law, 680
• Suburban pollution protests produced the major federal water laws of 1965-74. #complicates (0.80) — Adam Rome, The Bulldozer in the Countryside, 423
• Republican leaders endorsed a land ethic treating misuse as pollution by 1973 #corroborates (0.75) — Adam Rome, The Bulldozer in the Countryside, 535